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x | |
Abbreviations |
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xi | |
Preface and Acknowledgments |
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xiii | |
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1 | (30) |
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Patterns of Social Division and/or Political Ideology |
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2 | (3) |
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5 | (7) |
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Governmental Decentralization |
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12 | (3) |
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Explaining the Rise of the Direct Primary |
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15 | (3) |
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18 | (2) |
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Institutionalization of the Parties |
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20 | (5) |
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25 | (6) |
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A. HOW THE DIRECT PRIMARY AROSE |
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The Catalytic Effect of Ballot Reform |
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31 | (26) |
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The Adoption of the Australian Ballot |
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31 | (1) |
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Informal Procedures and the Problems of Scale |
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32 | (7) |
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Reformers' Promotion of the Australian Ballot |
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39 | (2) |
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Variants of the Australian Ballot in the United States |
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41 | (2) |
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41 | (1) |
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Office Block Ballot with Straight Ticket Provision |
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42 | (1) |
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42 | (1) |
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42 | (1) |
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42 | (1) |
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The Positions of Reformers and Parties in Relation to the Type of Ballot Used |
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43 | (2) |
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The Weakness of Opposition to the Australian Ballot |
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45 | (2) |
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Success and Failure for Antiparty Reformers |
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47 | (4) |
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Ballot Reform and Interparty Competition |
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51 | (4) |
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55 | (2) |
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Legal Control of Party Activity |
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57 | (38) |
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Candidate Selection in the Nineteenth Century |
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57 | (6) |
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The Problems with the Caucus-Convention System |
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63 | (14) |
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65 | (3) |
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68 | (2) |
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70 | (3) |
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73 | (3) |
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The Interconnections of the Four Factors |
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76 | (1) |
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The Impact of the Australian Ballot |
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77 | (4) |
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The 1898 National Conference |
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81 | (3) |
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hy Legal Controls over Parties were Introduced |
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84 | (6) |
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Did Legal Control Turn Parties into Public Utilities? |
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90 | (3) |
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93 | (2) |
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The Spread of Direct Nominations |
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95 | (34) |
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The Rising Popularity of the Crawford County System |
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97 | (3) |
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The Rural and Midwestern Base of Direct Elections |
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100 | (2) |
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The Impact of the Southern Experience |
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102 | (3) |
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Direct Nominations Move to the City: Cleveland |
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105 | (3) |
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Statewide Legislation and the Direct Primary: Kentucky |
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108 | (2) |
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The Legally Mandated Direct Primary in Minneapolis, 1899 |
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110 | (7) |
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The States Convert to Direct Primaries, 1903--1915 |
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117 | (7) |
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Insurgency and Party Reform in Wisconsin |
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124 | (3) |
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127 | (2) |
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B. WHY THE DIRECT PRIMARY WAS INTRODUCED |
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129 | (96) |
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Reformers versus Urban Machines? |
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131 | (31) |
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132 | (6) |
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138 | (7) |
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145 | (5) |
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150 | (4) |
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154 | (6) |
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160 | (2) |
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The Impact of Party Competition |
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162 | (34) |
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Competition in the United States before the Mid-1890s |
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163 | (5) |
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Party Competition after the Mid-1890s |
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168 | (8) |
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Why the Democrats were Disadvantaged |
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176 | (2) |
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Changes in Party Competition and the Rise of the Direct Primary |
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178 | (2) |
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Competition as a Stimulant to Nomination Reform |
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180 | (3) |
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Party Competition and Political Exclusion: Southern New England |
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183 | (6) |
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Political Reform and the Direct Primary in Connecticut |
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189 | (6) |
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195 | (1) |
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Explaining an ``Irrational'' Reform |
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196 | (29) |
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The Constraint Imposed by Public Opinion |
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199 | (4) |
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Reformers and the Invention of a ``Solution'' |
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203 | (8) |
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204 | (1) |
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205 | (1) |
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206 | (1) |
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207 | (4) |
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Consensus over the Direct Primary: The Case of New Jersey |
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211 | (3) |
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Could the Parties Have Done More to Protect Themselves? |
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214 | (9) |
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223 | (2) |
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225 | (40) |
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227 | (28) |
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Reaction Against the Direct Primary |
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227 | (4) |
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The State of the Parties in 1930 |
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231 | (11) |
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The Delayed Impact of the Direct Primary |
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242 | (4) |
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Changes in the Direct Primary Since the 1920s |
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246 | (2) |
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The Direct Primary and the Presidential Primary |
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248 | (6) |
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254 | (1) |
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255 | (10) |
Index |
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265 | |