Preface |
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xi | |
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1 | (18) |
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2 | (4) |
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3 | (2) |
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5 | (1) |
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1.2 Split Ergativity: The Puzzle |
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6 | (8) |
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8 | (2) |
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10 | (4) |
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14 | (5) |
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Part I Complementation in Chol |
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2 Mayan Background and Clause Structure |
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19 | (43) |
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2.1 Chol and the Mayan Family |
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19 | (3) |
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22 | (23) |
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2.2.1 Predicate Types and Predicate Initiality |
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22 | (3) |
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2.2.2 Roots, Stems, and Predication |
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25 | (3) |
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2.2.3 Eventive Predicates |
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28 | (8) |
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36 | (6) |
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42 | (3) |
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2.3 Basic Clause Structure, Case, and Agreement |
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45 | (9) |
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2.3.1 Internal Arguments and Set B |
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45 | (5) |
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2.3.2 External Arguments and Set A |
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50 | (4) |
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2.4 Ergativity and Split Ergativity in Mayan |
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54 | (8) |
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2.4.1 Subordinated Clauses |
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56 | (2) |
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58 | (1) |
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58 | (2) |
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60 | (2) |
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3 Verbs and Nouns in Chol |
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62 | (47) |
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62 | (2) |
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3.2 All Verbs Have Internal Arguments |
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64 | (15) |
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3.2.1 One-Place Predicates and Split-S |
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65 | (3) |
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3.2.2 Complementing and Complementless Forms |
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68 | (3) |
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3.2.3 On Predicate-External Subjects |
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71 | (2) |
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73 | (6) |
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3.3 Complementless Stems and the Light Verb |
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79 | (11) |
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3.3.1 Complementless Stems Are Nominal |
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79 | (4) |
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3.3.2 Distributional Evidence that Complementless Forms Are Nominal |
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83 | (6) |
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3.3.3 Unergative Subjects Are Transitive Subjects |
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89 | (1) |
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90 | (17) |
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3.4.1 Verbs Have Specifiers |
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92 | (2) |
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94 | (2) |
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96 | (3) |
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99 | (7) |
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3.4.5 Roots and Categories |
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106 | (1) |
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107 | (2) |
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4 Explaining Split Ergativity in Chol |
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109 | (76) |
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109 | (4) |
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4.2 Nonperfective Aspect Markers Are Predicates |
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113 | (19) |
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4.2.1 Aspect Markers Are the Source of the Split |
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114 | (1) |
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4.2.2 Aspect Markers and Situation-Denoting Nominals |
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115 | (3) |
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118 | (10) |
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4.2.4 Origins of the Nonperfective Forms |
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128 | (3) |
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131 | (1) |
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4.3 Explaining Split Ergativity |
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132 | (14) |
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134 | (1) |
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4.3.2 Complementing Nonperfectives |
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135 | (5) |
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4.3.3 Distributional Evidence |
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140 | (4) |
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4.3.4 Word Order and Other CP-DP Parallels |
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144 | (2) |
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4.4 In Support of Complex Nominalizations |
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146 | (8) |
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4.4.1 A Return to Predicate-External Subjects |
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147 | (2) |
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4.4.2 Nonroot Transitives |
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149 | (4) |
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4.4.3 Embedded vPs versus Embedded DPs |
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153 | (1) |
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4.5 The Syntax of Subordination |
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154 | (20) |
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156 | (2) |
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158 | (4) |
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4.5.3 "Less Finite" Clauses |
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162 | (6) |
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4.5.4 Summary: A-Constructions Revisited |
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168 | (6) |
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4.6 The Case of Q'anjob'al |
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174 | (6) |
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4.6.1 Split Ergativity and Nonfinite Clauses |
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174 | (3) |
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4.6.2 Evidence for Nonfiniteness |
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177 | (2) |
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4.6.3 Nonfinite Clauses Are Nominalizations |
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179 | (1) |
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180 | (5) |
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Part II A Theory of Split Ergativity |
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5 Beyond Mayan: Extending the Analysis |
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185 | (39) |
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185 | (6) |
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187 | (2) |
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189 | (2) |
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5.2 Laka (2006) and Split Ergativity in Basque |
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191 | (4) |
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5.3 Three Types of Aspectual Split |
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195 | (20) |
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5.3.1 Ergative to Neutral |
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195 | (12) |
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5.3.2 Ergative to Extended Ergative |
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207 | (2) |
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5.3.3 Ergative to ABS-OBL |
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209 | (5) |
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214 | (1) |
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215 | (7) |
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5.4.1 Split Subjects are Intransitive Subject |
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216 | (2) |
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218 | (2) |
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5.4.3 Structure and "Counteruniversal" Splits |
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220 | (2) |
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5.5 Split Ergativity Conclusions |
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222 | (2) |
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6 The Grammar of Temporal Relations |
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224 | |
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6.1 Motivating Aspect-Based Split Ergativity |
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225 | (9) |
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6.1.1 Progressive and Locative Expressions |
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225 | (2) |
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6.1.2 The Grammar of Spatiotemporal Relations |
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227 | (2) |
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6.1.3 Evidence for a Spatiotemporal Connection |
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229 | (5) |
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6.2 Perfective as Default Aspect |
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234 | (10) |
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6.2.1 Representing the Perfective |
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236 | (4) |
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6.2.2 Perfective in the Absence of a Preposition |
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240 | (4) |
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244 | (1) |
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245 | |
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24 | (228) |
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7.1 Overview of Major Claims |
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247 | (2) |
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7.2 Avenues for Future Research |
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249 | (3) |
A Abbreviations |
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252 | (3) |
B Narrative Text Abbreviations |
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255 | (1) |
C Summary of Basic Constructions |
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256 | (1) |
Bibliography |
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257 | (14) |
Index |
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271 | |