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E-grāmata: Bare Argument Ellipsis and Focus

(University of Tübingen)
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Bare Argument Ellipsis and FocusPalielināt
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This monograph explores the syntax and information structure of bare argument ellipsis. The study concentrates on stripping, which is identified as a subtype of bare argument ellipsis typically associated with focus sensitive particles or negation. This monograph presents a unified account of stripping located at the syntax-information structure interface and argues for a licensing mechanism which is strongly tied to the focus properties of the construction. Under this view, types of bare argument ellipsis such as stripping and pseudostripping, which have received different treatments in the literature, are shown to be subject to the same licensing mechanism. This analysis is also extended to instances of bare argument ellipsis in embedded contexts, which have received little attention in the literature so far. Integrating theoretical and experimental reasoning, this study presents a series of experiments investigating the extraction, prosody and context properties of stripping and thus arrives at a comprehensive and unified account.
Acknowledgments ix
Index of abbreviations xi
Chapter 1 Introduction
1(10)
1.1 Ellipsis and coordination
5(1)
1.2 Research questions and proposal
6(1)
1.3 Structure of the book
7(4)
Chapter 2 Types of bare argument ellipsis
11(18)
2.1 Stripping vs. negative contrastive constructions
12(2)
2.2 Fragments
14(4)
2.3 Split conjuncts
18(2)
2.4 A note on conjunction reduction and BAE
20(5)
2.5 Embedded BAE
25(1)
2.6 Conclusion
26(3)
Chapter 3 State of the art
29(26)
3.1 Approaches to ellipsis
30(1)
3.2 PF-deletion approaches
30(16)
3.2.1 Merchant (2004)
30(3)
3.2.2 Depiante (2000)
33(8)
3.2.3 Kolokonte (2008)
41(5)
3.3 Movement approaches
46(6)
3.3.1 ATB-approaches to BAE
46(4)
3.3.2 Rightward movement approaches (Reinhart 1991)
50(2)
3.4 Non-elliptical approaches
52(1)
3.4.1 Culicover and Jackendoff (2005)
52(1)
3.5 Conclusion
53(2)
Chapter 4 Licensing stripping
55(42)
4.1 Concepts of information structure
55(4)
4.1.1 Topic-comment
55(2)
4.1.2 Focus-background
57(1)
4.1.3 Given-new
57(1)
4.1.4 Contrast and parallelism
58(1)
4.1.5 Summary
59(1)
4.2 The information structure of stripping
59(5)
4.2.1 Topic and focus in stripping
59(5)
4.3 Focus-sensitive particles and negation
64(10)
4.3.1 Behavior of auch in full clauses
64(3)
4.3.2 English too, also, as well
67(2)
4.3.3 German schon
69(5)
4.4 Deriving elliptical clauses from full clauses
74(3)
4.5 The syntax of stripping: Arguments for two different types
77(14)
4.6 The licensing mechanism
91(3)
4.7 Conclusion
94(3)
Chapter 5 Experimental evidence
97(22)
5.1 Previous psycholinguistic studies on BAE
98(1)
5.2 Experiment 1: Stripping and acceptability
99(2)
5.2.1 Stimuli
100(1)
5.2.2 Procedure
100(1)
5.2.3 Participants
101(1)
5.2.4 Results and discussion
101(1)
5.3 Experiment 2: Discourse conditions
101(5)
5.3.1 Stimuli
103(1)
5.3.2 Procedure
103(1)
5.3.3 Participants
103(1)
5.3.4 Results and discussion
103(3)
5.4 Experiment 3: Stripping and prosody
106(4)
5.4.1 Stimuli
107(2)
5.4.2 Procedure
109(1)
5.4.3 Participants
109(1)
5.4.4 Results
109(1)
5.5 Discussion
110(1)
5.6 Experiment 4: Extracting out of stripping
110(8)
5.6.1 Stimuli
112(1)
5.6.2 Procedure
113(1)
5.6.3 Participants
113(1)
5.6.4 Results for und-coordination
113(4)
5.6.5 Results for aber-coordination
117(1)
5.6.6 Discussion
117(1)
5.7 Conclusion
118(1)
Chapter 6 Embedded stripping
119(28)
6.1 Introduction: Stripping and embedding
119(2)
6.2 New data: Embedded stripping
121(3)
6.3 Problems for theories of stripping
124(2)
6.4 Other types of reduced subordinate clauses
126(9)
6.5 Embedded stripping
135(4)
6.6 (Non-)embedding is a reflex of information structure
139(5)
6.6.1 Hypothesis: Non-embedding is a reflex of information structure and discourse relations
140(1)
6.6.2 Parallelism conditions for stripping
141(3)
6.7 Conclusion
144(3)
Chapter 7 Conclusion and outlook
147(6)
References 153(10)
Appendix 163(18)
Index 181
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