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E-grāmata: China, the USA and Technological Supremacy in Europe [Taylor & Francis e-book]

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"The book explores how technological competition is linked to the geopolitical contest between the US and China, and why Europe and the European Union (EU) have become involved in this competition for technological supremacy. China's political and economic rise, the concurrent US withdrawal from the region, and the rise of new technologies such as 5G, and AI creates a new and more unstable geopolitical environment in the region. In addition, the EU, far from being a global player, finds it increasingly difficult to play a leading role. The book analyses the nature of the ultimate goal of technological competition between the United States and China and shows how and why did the EU become the centre of this struggle. The author argues that the EU has become the new battlefield of the technological struggle since wealthy societies in the EU make this competition attractive and profitable to both the US and China. By shedding light on the geopolitical motivations of China and the question of whether the US can contain China's advance in this domain, the book will be of interest to practitioners in the fields of international relations and political science as well as policymakers and analysts employed by diplomatic services, multilateral organizations, and non-governmental organizations"--

The book explores how technological competition is linked to the geopolitical contest between the US and China, and why Europe and the European Union (EU) have become involved in this competition for technological supremacy.



The book explores how technological competition is linked to the geopolitical contest between the US and China, and why Europe and the European Union (EU) have become involved in this competition for technological supremacy.

China’s political and economic rise, the concurrent US withdrawal from the region, and the rise of new technologies such as 5G, and AI creates a new and more unstable geopolitical environment in the region. In addition, the EU, far from being a global player, finds it increasingly difficult to play a leading role. The book analyses the nature of the ultimate goal of technological competition between the United States and China and shows how and why did the EU become the centre of this struggle. The author argues that the EU has become the new battlefield of the technological struggle since wealthy societies in the EU make this competition attractive and profitable to both the US and China.

By shedding light on the geopolitical motivations of China and the question of whether the US can contain China’s advance in this domain, the book will be of interest to practitioners in the fields of international relations and political science as well as policymakers and analysts employed by diplomatic services, multilateral organizations, and non-governmental organizations.

List of tables
xi
Author biography xiii
Preface xv
Acknowledgments xxi
1 The battle for technology: the global arena
1(28)
1.1 Technology as a key factor of a superpower's influence
1(9)
1.1.1 "The rise of China" debate
2(2)
1.1.2 The dilemma of "engagement versus decoupling"
4(1)
1.1.3 The "developmental state" narrative
5(3)
1.1.4 The EU, the excellent "prey"
8(2)
1.2 Historical and recent technology developments in China and the United States
10(19)
1.2.1 China
10(3)
1.2.2 The United States
13(2)
1.2.3 Human resources
15(2)
1.2.4 R&D at the corporate level
17(1)
1.2.4.1 Market value
17(1)
1.2.5 R&D expenditures of corporations
18(1)
1.2.5.1 Venture capital investments
18(1)
1.2.5.2 5GandAI
19(10)
2 The war of arguments: the European battlefield
29(25)
2.1 EU-China debates
29(10)
2.1.1 Economic development debates
31(5)
2.1.2 Political debates
36(3)
2.2 A summary of the EU's position on China
39(3)
2.3 Technological development and regulatory f ramework in the EU
42(12)
2.3.1 Technological development and its policies in the EU
42(2)
2.3.1.1 Weak corporate financing
44(1)
2.3.1.2 Weak public funding
44(1)
2.3.1.3 The weakness in innovation and 5G sector
45(1)
2.3.2 The regulatory framework
46(8)
3 Economic and political interests of the major powers: the United States, Germany, and Russia
54(25)
3.1 The changing American stance on China
54(9)
3.1.1 From the "pivot to Asia" concept to the "new cold war"
54(2)
3.1.1.1 Reshoring
56(1)
3.1.1.2 The consequences of technological decoupling
57(2)
3.1.2 The link between new technologies and the rise of new authoritarian regimes?
59(1)
3.1.3 Fraying ties with Europe
60(3)
3.2 The core interests of German industry
63(6)
3.2.1 German and Chinese trade ties
63(1)
3.2.2 Direct investments in Germany and China
64(3)
3.2.3 Policy dilemmas
67(2)
3.3 The balancing Russia
69(10)
3.3.1 From "Greater Europe" to "Greater Eurasia"
69(1)
3.3.2 Potential in technology cooperation with China
70(2)
3.3.3 Unbalanced trade and investment relations
72(1)
3.3.4 Policy dilemmas
73(6)
4 Chinese investment and 5G cooperation in the EU: France, Germany, and Italy
79(28)
4.1 Germany: a case study
79(5)
4.1.1 Introduction
79(1)
4.1.2 The legal framework
80(1)
4.1.3 Technology-intensive sectors
81(3)
4.2 France: a case study
84(8)
4.2.1 Introduction
84(1)
4.2.2 The legal framework
85(1)
4.2.3 The French approach to investments and China
86(2)
4.2.4 Chinese investments in French technology-intensive sectors?
88(4)
4.3 Italy: a case study
92(15)
4.3.1 Introduction
92(4)
4.3.2 The legal framework
96(1)
4.3.3 Technology-intensive sectors and investments
97(10)
5 Chinese investment and 5G networks in the Visegrad countries
107(26)
5.1 The historical background
107(2)
5.2 The work of division in Europe
109(4)
5.3 The consequences of backwardness and asymmetrical dependence
113(1)
5.4 Cooperation between the CEE countries and China
114(2)
5.5 The Visegrad Four
116(17)
5.5.1 The Czech Republic
116(3)
5.5.2 Slovakia
119(1)
5.5.3 Poland
120(3)
5.5.4 Hungary
123(10)
6 Conclusions
133(24)
6.1 Technology in the Chinese economic model
133(3)
6.2 The global picture
136(3)
6.3 The EU's China policy
139(2)
6.4 Major powers: the United States, Germany, and Russia
141(2)
6.5 China polices of the three old members of the EU
143(6)
6.6 China policy in the Visegrad countries
149(3)
6.7 Challenges
152(5)
Index 157
Csaba Moldicz, Ph.D., is Associate Professor at the Department of International Relations, Faculty of International Business and Management, Budapest Business School, Hungary.
Permanent link: https://www.kriso.lv/db/9781003128625_pe.html
Keywords: