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Endocentric Structuring of Projection-free Syntax [Hardback]

(Nihon University)
  • Formāts: Hardback, 268 pages, weight: 650 g
  • Sērija : Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 218
  • Izdošanas datums: 03-Dec-2014
  • Izdevniecība: John Benjamins Publishing Co
  • ISBN-10: 9027257019
  • ISBN-13: 9789027257017
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Endocentric Structuring of Projection-free SyntaxPalielināt
  • Formāts: Hardback, 268 pages, weight: 650 g
  • Sērija : Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 218
  • Izdošanas datums: 03-Dec-2014
  • Izdevniecība: John Benjamins Publishing Co
  • ISBN-10: 9027257019
  • ISBN-13: 9789027257017
Citas grāmatas par šo tēmu:
Permanent link: https://www.kriso.lv/db/9789027257017.html
Keywords:
Endocentric Structuring of Projection-free Syntax puts forward a novel theory of syntax that rigidly adheres to the principle of Minimal Computation, in which a number of traditional but extraneous stipulations such as referential indices and representational labels/projections are eliminated. It specifically articulates the overarching hypothesis that every syntactic object is composed by recursive, phase-by-phase embedding of the endocentric structure {H, a}, where H is a head lexical item and a is another syntactic object (order irrelevant). The proposed mechanism achieves both theory-internal simplicity and broad empirical coverage at the same time, advancing a radically reduced conception of endocentricty/headedness while deriving a number of empirically grounded constraints on human language.
List of abbreviations
ix
Acknowledgments xi
Chapter 1 Preface
1(6)
Chapter 2 Bare phrase structure and cyclic derivation by phase, in light of Minimal Computation
7(58)
2.1 Introduction
7(4)
2.2 Towards fuller exploration of bare phrase structure
11(14)
2.2.1 Disentangling compositional structure, labeling, and linear order
11(7)
2.2.2 Merge, inclusiveness, and the No-Tampering Condition
18(3)
2.2.3 Restricting the generative capacity
21(4)
2.3 Transfer: Compounding Interpret and Spell-Out
25(2)
2.4 Copy-identification and derivational simultaneity
27(7)
2.4.1 The bifurcation of external and internal merge
27(3)
2.4.2 Derivational simultaneity of Value/Agree and Transfer
30(4)
2.5 Defining phases
34(14)
2.5.1 The edge and interior of phases
34(3)
2.5.2 Phase convergence redux
37(9)
2.5.3 Rationale for unvalued/uninterpretable features
46(2)
2.6 Eliminating the Merge-over-Move stipulation along with numeration and lexical (sub-)arrays
48(4)
2.7 Copy-identification as part of Transfer
52(2)
2.8 Head-movement in bare phrase structure
54(7)
2.9 Concluding remarks
61(4)
Chapter 3 Minimal head detection in projection-free syntax
65(76)
3.1 Introduction
65(3)
3.2 Label = projection = endocentricity?
68(4)
3.3 Why endocentricity?
72(4)
3.4 The Endocentric Structuring Constraint (ESC)
76(19)
3.4.1 Excluding exocentric "XP-YP" merger
76(6)
3.4.2 Internal merge and endocentricity
82(1)
3.4.2.1 No XP-YP Internal Merger
82(1)
3.4.2.2 A-movement and K(ase)
83(3)
3.4.2.3 A'-movement: Extending Cables eliminative approach to pied-piping
86(5)
3.4.2.4 Eliminating the EPP-feature
91(1)
3.4.2.5 Approximating the duality of semantics
92(3)
3.5 The ESC and the typology of movement
95(12)
3.5.1 Deriving the complementarity of phrasal vs. head-movement
95(9)
3.5.2 On the phasehood of vP
104(3)
3.6 The ESC and the Condition on Extraction Domain (CED)
107(28)
3.6.1 Freezing effects
107(3)
3.6.2 *{t, t}
110(6)
3.6.3 Subject condition effects and beyond
116(6)
3.6.4 Adjunct condition effects and beyond
122(8)
3.6.5 The Phrasal Sister Condition
130(3)
3.6.6 Locality beyond lexicalism and barrierhood
133(2)
3.7 Further consequences on the problem of learnability
135(3)
3.8 Concluding remarks
138(3)
Chapter 4 Cyclic Spell-Out of projection-free syntax
141(50)
4.1 Introduction
141(2)
4.2 Eradicating the LCA from the ESC
143(21)
4.2.1 Uriagereka's LCA-based ESC
143(5)
4.2.2 The irrelevance of the LCA to the CED effect
148(9)
4.2.3 Sheehan's projection-based resuscitation of Uriagereka's LCA
157(5)
4.2.4 Conclusion: The LCA has no place in projection-free syntax
162(2)
4.3 Eradicating antisymmetry from the ESC
164(11)
4.3.1 Independence of antisymmetry and the LCA
164(1)
4.3.2 Kaynes (2011) LCA-free but still antisymmetric ESC
165(5)
4.3.3 Antisymmetry and cartography in the pursuit of biological adequacy
170(5)
4.4 MHD-based linearization of endocentric structuring
175(14)
4.5 Concluding remarks
189(2)
Chapter 5 Full Interpretation all the way through
191(36)
5.1 Introduction
191(1)
5.2 Endocentricity as an interface phenomenon
192(19)
5.2.1 Head-independence of narrow-syntactic operations
192(3)
5.2.2 Eliminating the Merge-to-Head hypothesis and edge-features
195(4)
5.2.3 Phasing out specifiers
199(1)
5.2.3.1 Minimal search and specifiers
199(3)
5.2.3.2 Specifiers in pied-piping
202(1)
5.2.3.3 Selection and specifiers
203(3)
5.2.3.4 Spec-head licensing
206(2)
5.2.4 MHD and the third factor
208(3)
5.3 Further issues of endocentricity and Full Interpretation
211(14)
5.3.1 Reviewing Chomsky's (2013) labeling algorithm
211(3)
5.3.2 Eliminating trace invisibility
214(3)
5.3.3 On the visibility of Agreement features at Interpret
217(3)
5.3.4 On symmetric structures and universal endocentricity
220(3)
5.3.5 Remarks on universal endocentricity
223(2)
5.4 Concluding remarks
225(2)
Chapter 6 Conclusion
227(6)
Appendix List of propositions 233(8)
References 241(18)
Author index 259(4)
Subject index 263