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Ergativity and Other Alignment Types in Neo-Aramaic: Investigating Morphosyntactic Microvariation [Hardback]

  • Formāts: Hardback, 438 pages, height x width: 235x155 mm, weight: 880 g
  • Sērija : Studies in Semitic Languages and Linguistics 103
  • Izdošanas datums: 26-Aug-2021
  • Izdevniecība: Brill
  • ISBN-10: 9004448179
  • ISBN-13: 9789004448179
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  • Formāts: Hardback, 438 pages, height x width: 235x155 mm, weight: 880 g
  • Sērija : Studies in Semitic Languages and Linguistics 103
  • Izdošanas datums: 26-Aug-2021
  • Izdevniecība: Brill
  • ISBN-10: 9004448179
  • ISBN-13: 9789004448179
Citas grāmatas par šo tēmu:
The alignment splits in the Neo-Aramaic languages display a considerable degree of diversity, especially in terms of agreement. While earlier studies have generally oversimplified the actual state of affairs, Paul M. Noorlander offers a meticulous and clear account of nearly all microvariation documented so far, addressing all relevant morphosyntactic phenomena. By means of fully glossed and translated examples, the author shows that this vast variation in morphological alignment, including ergativity, is unexpected from a functional typological perspective. He argues the alignment splits are rather the outcome of several construction-specific processes such as internal system harmonization and grammaticalization, as well as language contact.
Preface xi
List of Figures, Maps and Tables
xiii
Abbreviations and Symbols xv
1 Introduction
1(31)
1.1 Ergativity, an Enigma in Semitic Linguistics?
1(2)
1.2 Neo-Aramaic Dialects in the Land of Rivers
3(8)
1.2.1 Above the Tigris: Northeastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA) Dialect Bundle
5(3)
1.2.2 Below the Tigris: Dialects of Tur 'Abdin
8(1)
1.2.3 Writing a Spoken Language: Sociolinguistic Factors
9(1)
1.2.4 Converging Neighbors: Areal Factors
10(1)
1.5 Previous Approaches to Alignment in Eastern Neo-Aramaic
11(11)
1.5.1 Early Scholarship: Passive or Possessive
11(7)
1.5.2 Recent Typo logical Approaches
18(4)
1.6 Aims and Scope of This Book
22(2)
1.7 Sources and Transcription Conventions
24(2)
1.8 Outline
26(6)
2 Who Did What to Whom in the Context of Neo-Aramaic
32(68)
2.1 Main Components of Verbal Inflection in Neo-Aramaic
33(11)
2.1.1 Verbal Roots
34(2)
2.1.2 Basic Stems qat∂l-/qot∂l- vs. qtil-and Their Derivations
36(3)
2.1.3 Sets of Person Markers: E-suffixes and L-suffixes
39(3)
2.1.4 Preverbal TAM-marking and the -wa-affix
42(2)
2.2 (Pro)nominals and Verbal Constructions Derived from (Pro)nominals
44(14)
2.2.1 Nominal Inflection
45(3)
2.2.2 Unmarked vs. Prepositional Pronouns
48(1)
2.2.3 Possession
49(2)
2.2.4 Nouns as Verbs and Verbs as Nouns: Non-verbal Clauses and Nominal Forms of the Verb
51(4)
2.2.5 Objects on `Nouny' Verbs
55(3)
2.3 Denning and Identifying the Alignment of Who Did What to Whom
58(38)
2.3.1 Arguments in the Clause and Their Core Functions
59(8)
2.3.2 Alignment: Morphological Properties
67(18)
2.3.3 Syntactic Properties: Role and Reference Inversion in Neo-Aramaic
85(11)
2.4 Conclusion: A Construction-Specific Approach
96(1)
2.5 Overviews of Inflection
97(3)
3 Ergativity and Its Typology: The Trans-Zab Jewish Dialects
100(107)
3.1 Main Morphosyntactic Hallmarks
102(8)
3.1.1 Verb-Final Word Order
102(1)
3.1.2 Prepositional Marking of Objects
103(2)
3.1.3 Verbal Inflection and Person Marking
105(5)
3.2 Ergativity and Alignment Splits in Typological Perspectives
110(19)
3.2.1 Clause- and Verb-Related Factors for Alignment Splits
111(8)
3.2.2 Argument-Related Factors for Alignment Splits: Prominence
119(10)
3.3 Ergativity and Patient-Related Splits in Trans-Zab Jewish NENA
129(19)
3.3.1 Alignment of qtil- in Southeastern Trans-Zab Jewish Dialects
130(8)
3.3.2 Comparative Syntax of Trans-Zab Jewish Dialects
138(10)
3.4 Ergativity and Splits along the Tense-Aspect-Mood Scale
148(25)
3.4.1 Filling the Gap of the Transitive Perfect
149(2)
3.4.2 Arbek Accusative
151(1)
3.4.3 Rustaqa: Ergative and Tripartite Resultative
152(3)
3.4.4 Koy Sanjaq: Competing Resultattves
155(2)
3.4.5 Urmi: Mixing Resultattves
157(3)
3.4.6 Sulemaniyya: Gender-Conditioned Ergativity
160(4)
3.4.7 Jewish NENA in West Iran: Ergative Third Person
164(9)
3.5 Ergativity and Transitivity: Argument Omission and Valency Alternations
173(29)
3.5.1 Patient Omission: Lexical Transitivity
174(7)
3.5.2 Agent Omission: Ergative and Antipassive Typology
181(12)
3.5.3 Agent Omission in Compound Verbal Forms in West Iranian Jewish Dialects of NENA
193(6)
3.5.4 Transitivity and Alternations in Northwest Iranian Jewish Dialects of NENA
199(3)
3.6 Conclusion: Construction-Specific, Not Alignment-Specific Factors
202(5)
4 Christian and Western Jewish Dialects of NENA
207(95)
4.1 Preliminary Notes on Morphosyntax
211(10)
4.1.1 Person Marking in Transitive Perfective Past Constructions
211(4)
4.1.2 The Copula and Compound Veral Forms
215(5)
4.1.3 Prepositional Marking of Agents
220(1)
4.2 Ergative or Passive? Agents in and out of Focus
221(27)
4.2.1 The Importance of Zero
222(5)
4.2.2 On Agent {De]focusing and Passive Typology
227(5)
4.2.3 Passive-Like Properties and Anticausattves
232(6)
4.2.4 Ergative-Like Properties
238(10)
4.3 Verb-Related Factors: Grammaticalization of Resultatives
248(12)
4.3.1 Tense-Aspect Associated Person Marking: sand a
248(2)
4.3.2 Transitivization of Compound Verbal Constructions
250(10)
4.4 Argument-Related Factors: Harmonizing the Object
260(35)
4.4.1 Person-Role Constraints
261(9)
4.4.2 Alternative I: Independent Object Pronouns
270(5)
4.4.3 Alternative II: Stacking of L-suffixes
275(6)
4.4.4 Alternative III: Mixing of L- and E-suffixes
281(5)
4.4.5 Alternative IV: qam-qat∂l-construction
286(9)
4.5 Conclusion: Cross-System Harmonization
295(7)
5 Below the Tigris: The Neo-Aramaic Dialects of Tur 'Abdin and Mlahso
302(47)
5.1 Morphosyntactic Traits of Central Neo-Aramaic
303(6)
5.1.1 Stems Disengaged: *m∂qtol- vs. *qot∂l-
303(2)
5.1.2 Stems Entangled: Phonological Reduction
305(1)
5.1.3 Unmarked and Prepositional Pronouns
306(1)
5.1.4 Differential Object Marking and Word Order
307(2)
5.2 The Neo-Aramaic Dialects of Tur 'Abdin
309(28)
5.2.1 Patient-Related Factors
309(7)
5.2.2 Agent-Related Factors: Optional Flagging
316(8)
5.2.3 Voice and Other Verb-Related Factors: *qtil- vs. *qattil-
324(13)
5.3 The Neo-Aramaic Dialect of Mlahso
337(7)
5.3.1 Alignment of Person Marking
337(2)
5.3.2 Neutralizing Subject Coding: Mediopassive with L-suffixes
339(2)
5.3.3 Special Perfect Forms Based on *qattil-
341(3)
5.4 The Primacy of Intransitive Coding
344(1)
5.5 Summary from Stem to Stern
345(4)
6 Cross-Dialectal Synopsis of the Morphosyntax
349(42)
6.1 Tense-Aspect-Sensitive Splits
350(6)
6.1.1 The Tense-Aspect-Mood scale
350(3)
6.1.2 From Stative-Resultative to Preterit
353(3)
6.2 Morphological Splits
356(17)
6.2.1 Prepositional and Verbal Person Marking Entangled
357(5)
6.2.2 Ergative-Like Markedness
362(5)
6.2.3 Role Reference Inversion
367(3)
6.2.4 What about Ditransittves?
370(3)
6.3 Splits and Transitivity Alternations
373(9)
6.3.1 Contextualizing the Agent
373(3)
6.3.2 Recovering the Patient
376(3)
6.3.3 Split Intransitivity
379(3)
6.4 Splits Based on Argument Properties
382(9)
6.4.1 Patient-Related Scales
383(4)
6.4.2 Agent-Related Scales
387(4)
7 General Conclusion
391(14)
7.1 Constructions Leading a Life of Their Own
391(5)
7.1.1 Identifying Argument Groupings
391(1)
7.1.2 Ergativity from Typological Perspectives
392(3)
7.1.3 Recommendations for Future Research
395(1)
7.2 A Taxonomy of Major Alignment Types
396(9)
7.2.1 Accusative Alignment (A=S#P)
396(1)
7.2.2 Ergative Alignment (A#S=P)
397(4)
7.2.3 Other Basic Alignment Types
401(4)
References 405(21)
Index of Languages and Geographical Names 426(4)
Index of Subjects 430
Paul M. Noorlander, Ph.D. (2018) is currently a Rubicon Fellow at Leiden University seconded to the University of Cambridge. He is involved in Neo-Aramaic documentation and has published on various topics in Semitic languages and linguistics and contact with Indo-European.