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E-grāmata: Functional Categories in Three Atlantic Creoles: Saramaccan, Haitian and Papiamentu

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(Université du Québec ą Montréal)
  • Formāts: 404 pages
  • Sērija : Creole Language Library 50
  • Izdošanas datums: 22-Jul-2015
  • Izdevniecība: John Benjamins Publishing Co
  • Valoda: eng
  • ISBN-13: 9789027268259
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Functional Categories in Three Atlantic Creoles: Saramaccan, Haitian and PapiamentuPalielināt
  • Formāts: 404 pages
  • Sērija : Creole Language Library 50
  • Izdošanas datums: 22-Jul-2015
  • Izdevniecība: John Benjamins Publishing Co
  • Valoda: eng
  • ISBN-13: 9789027268259
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This book is about the functional categories of three Caribbean creoles: Saramaccan, Haitian Creole and Papiamentu with two specific goals. The first one is to evaluate the respective contribution of the source languages to the functional categories of these three creoles. The second is to evaluate the degree of similarity/dissimilarity of the functional categories across these creoles. This study is cast within the relabeling-based account of creole genesis. Several lexical items discussed in this book may fulfill more than one grammatical function thus raising the issue of multifuctionality. No such in-depth comparative work of these three creoles with their source languages and of the three creoles among themselves is available elsewhere in the literature. This book is addressed to linguists (including Master and PhD students) interested in syntactic categories and more specifically in functional categories, to creolists and to researchers interested in language contact.
Preface xv
List of abbreviations
xvii
Chapter 1 Introduction
1(16)
Claire Lefebvre
1 Aims of this book
1(2)
2 A coherent set
3(2)
3 General methodological considerations
5(2)
4 Relabeling
7(3)
5 How is word order established in creole genesis?
10(2)
6 Processes that play a role in the development of a creole
12(1)
7 The issue of multifunctionality
13(2)
8 Organization of the book
15(1)
9 Overview of the major findings
15(2)
Chapter 2 The nominal structures of Saramaccan, Fongbe and English with reference to Haitian Creole
17(52)
Claire Lefebvre
1 Introduction
18(5)
1.1 Aim of this chapter
18(1)
1.2 Languages
18(1)
1.3 Theoretical framework
19(1)
1.4 Introduction to the nominal structures of the languages under comparison
19(2)
1.5 A relabeling-based account of Creole genesis
21(1)
1.6 Multifunctionality
21(1)
1.7 Data base
21(1)
1.8 Methodological provisos
22(1)
1.9 Organisation of the chapter
22(1)
2 The definite determiners
23(13)
2.1 The anaphoric property of the definite determiners
23(2)
2.2 The definite determiners in clause structures
25(1)
2.2.1 The definite determiners in relative clauses
25(2)
2.2.2 The definite determiners in factive clauses
27(2)
2.2.3 The definite determiners in temporal and causal clauses
29(2)
2.2.4 The definite determiners in simple clauses
31(1)
2.2.5 The relationship between determiners and tense in clauses
32(1)
2.2.6 Summary
32(1)
2.3 A monosemic approach to Saramaccan di
32(1)
2.4 The source of the properties of the Saramaccan definite determiner
33(3)
2.5 Conclusion
36(1)
3 The expression and the properties of the category Number
36(12)
3.1 The expression of the category Number and noun omission
37(1)
3.2 The conceptual role of the category Number
38(3)
3.3 The category Number and the third person plural personal pronoun
41(2)
3.4 Are Saramaccan di and dee part of the same paradigm?
43(3)
3.5 How has the plural marker of Saramaccan acquired its properties?
46(1)
3.6 Conclusion
47(1)
4 Demonstrative terms
48(6)
5 The expression of possession
54(7)
5.1 The basic possessive structure
54(4)
5.2 The grammatical status of the forms occurring in possessive structures
58(2)
5.3 How have the various components of the Saramaccan possessive structure acquired their properties?
60(1)
6 Word order in nominal structures
61(4)
7 Conclusion
65(4)
Chapter 3 Coordinating constructions in Fongbe with reference to Haitian Creole
69(40)
Claire Lefebvre
1 Introduction
69(5)
2 The conjunction b3
74(8)
2.1 Bo3 as a coordinating conjunction
74(3)
2.2 Bo3 as a complementizer
77(2)
2.3 A unified analysis of bo3
79(3)
3 The conjunction bo
82(8)
3.1 Bo as a coordinating conjunction
82(3)
3.2 Bo as a complementizer
85(2)
3.3 A unified account of bo
87(2)
3.4 Does bo constitute a separate lexical entry from bo?
89(1)
4 The theoretical relevance of the properties of bo and bo
90(4)
4.1 On the marked character of AND-THEN conjunctions
90(1)
4.2 The disjoint/coreferential subjects distinction
91(1)
4.3 From connective adverb to complementizer through conjunction of coordination
91(3)
5 Can NPs be conjoined?
94(5)
5.1 The kpodo...kpo `with...with' circumposition
94(4)
5.2 Fongbe and other WITH-type languages
98(1)
6 Coordinating construction in Haitian Creole
99(8)
6.1 The clausal conjunction epi
99(5)
6.2 Can NPs be conjoined in Haitian Creole?
104(1)
6.3 How did the properties of the Haitian lexical items get to be the way they are?
105(2)
7 Concluding remarks: The typological features of Fongbe
107(2)
Chapter 4 The multifunctionality of Saramaccan taa
109(52)
Claire Lefebvre
Virginie Loranger
1 Introduction
110(2)
2 The functions of SA taa and taki
112(10)
3 The source of the properties of SA taa and taki
122(16)
3.1 SA taa and taki, and English talk
122(2)
3.2 SA taa and taki and Fongbe d3
124(7)
3.3 SA taa and taki and the lexical items meaning `to say' in other SA substrate languages
131(1)
3.3.1 The multifunctionality of the lexical items meaning `to say' in the substrate languages of SA
131(4)
3.3.2 The range of verbs meaning `to say' and their properties in the SA substrate languages
135(3)
3.4 Summary
138(1)
4 Early SA data and the grammaticalization account of the relationship between taki and taa
138(9)
4.1 The properties of `say'-verbs and related items in early SA
138(3)
4.2 The grammaticalization account of the relationship between taki and taa
141(3)
4.3 Recapitulation of the data to be accounted for
144(3)
5 A relabeling account of the multifunctionality of SA taa
147(7)
5.1 The derivation of SA taa and taki
147(2)
5.2 The source of the phonological representation of taa and taki
149(3)
5.3 Different superstrate labels for the same substrate lexical item
152(1)
5.4 Summary
153(1)
6 The parameters of relabeling and competing approaches to multifunctionality
154(5)
6.1 The monosemy/polysemy debate over multifunctionality
154(3)
6.2 Are the various approaches to multifunctionality equally compatible with the parameters defining relabeling?
157(2)
6.3 Summary
159(1)
7 Conclusion
159(2)
Chapter 5 On the properties of Saramaccan fu
161(50)
Claire Lefebvre
Virginie Loranger
1 Introduction
162(4)
2 The various functions of fu
166(20)
2.1 Fu occurring as a preposition
166(1)
2.1.1 Fu may select NPs
166(3)
2.1.2 Fu may select purposive clauses
169(2)
2.1.3 Summary
171(1)
2.2 Fu occurring as a mood marker
171(1)
2.2.1 Fu occurring between the subject and the verb
171(3)
2.2.2 Fu occurring with modal verbs
174(2)
2.2.3 Fu occurring before the subject
176(1)
2.2.4 Summary
177(1)
2.3 Fu occurring as a complementizer
177(4)
2.4 Fu occurring as a case marker
181(2)
2.5 Fu is a multifunctional lexical item
183(3)
3 The source of the properties of fu
186(23)
3.1 Review of available accounts
187(1)
3.2 A three-way comparison: SA fu and corresponding lexical entries in the SA contributing languages
188(1)
3.2.1 SA fu and English for
189(3)
3.2.2 SA fu and Fongbe nu and ni
192(8)
3.2.3 Summary
200(1)
3.3 A relabeling account of the properties of SA fu
201(2)
3.4 Mismatches between the substrate and the creole lexical entries
203(1)
3.4.1 The `for this (reason)' discrepancy
203(1)
3.4.2 The (non-)finite property of the purposive clause selected by SA fu and Fongbe nu
203(3)
3.4.3 A puzzling syntactic difference between SA fu and Fongbe ni in their function as mood markers
206(1)
3.4.4 The possibility of occurrence of mood markers as conditional clause introducers
207(1)
3.4.5 An innovative function of fu?
207(2)
3.4.6 Summary
209(1)
4 Conclusion
209(2)
Chapter 6 The multiple facets of Papiamentu ku
211(34)
Claire Lefebvre
Isabelle Therrien
1 Introduction
211(1)
2 The functions of PP ku, and the concept of lexical entry
212(12)
2.1 The multifunctional character of ku
213(1)
2.1.1 Ku as a preposition
213(2)
2.1.2 Ku as a conjunction
215(4)
2.1.3 Ku as a complementizer
219(3)
2.1.4 Summary
222(1)
2.2 How many lexical entries are required for ku?
222(2)
2.3 Summary
224(1)
3 The processes involved in the make up of PP ku1
224(8)
3.1 Relabeling
224(1)
3.1.1 The superstrate language: Portuguese
225(2)
3.1.2 The substrate languages
227(2)
3.1.3 Relabeling
229(1)
3.1.4 Phonological conflation
229(1)
3.1.5 Summary
230(1)
3.2 Leveling
230(2)
3.3 Summary
232(1)
4 The sources of the properties of PP ku2
232(10)
4.1 Comparison of the properties of PP ku2 and those of the closest lexical items in the source languages of PP
233(1)
4.1.1 The [ +T] indicative complementizer in Portuguese
233(1)
4.1.2 The [ +T] indicative complementizer in the PP substrate languages
234(4)
4.1.3 Summary
238(1)
4.2 The sources of the properties of PP ku2
239(1)
4.2.1 The source of the semantic and syntactic properties of Pp ku2
239(2)
4.2.2 The source of the phonological properties of PP ku2
241(1)
4.2.3 Summary
242(1)
5 Conclusion
242(3)
Chapter 7 On the properties of Papiamentu pa
245(38)
Claire Lefebvre
Isabelle Therrien
1 Introduction
245(3)
2 The various functions of pa
248(12)
2.1 Pa occurring as a preposition
248(1)
2.1.1 Pa may select NPs
248(3)
2.1.2 Pa may select purposive clauses
251(1)
2.2 Pa occurring as a mood marker
252(1)
2.3 Pa occurring as a complementizer
253(4)
2.4 Pa occurring as a case marker?
257(1)
2.5 Pa is a multifunctional lexical item
258(2)
3 The source of the properties of pa: A three-way comparison
260(15)
3.1 PP pa and Portuguese para
261(5)
3.2 PP pa and Fongbe nu and ni
266(7)
3.3 Summary
273(2)
4 A relabeling account of the properties of PP pa
275(1)
5 Mismatches between the substrate and the creole lexical entries
276(5)
5.1 The `for this (reason)' discrepancy
276(1)
5.2 The non-finite property of the purposive clause selected by PP pa
277(1)
5.3 A puzzling syntactic difference between PP pa and Fongbe ni in their function as mood markers
278(1)
5.4 Mood markers as conditional clause introducers
279(1)
5.5 PP pa and Fongbe nu as case markers
279(1)
5.6 Summary
280(1)
6 Conclusion
281(2)
Chapter 8 A new analysis of the Papiamentu clause structure
283(34)
Silvia Kouwenberg
Claire Lefebvre
1 Introduction
283(2)
2 Split CP
285(19)
2.1 ForceP
286(1)
2.1.1 The complementizer ku
286(7)
2.1.2 The complementizer pa
293(4)
2.1.3 The morphemes ku and pa head ForceP
297(2)
2.2 TopicP and FocusP
299(1)
2.3 FinP
299(4)
2.4 Summary
303(1)
3 Split INFL
304(11)
3.1 The status of lo in FinP
305(1)
3.2 The status of ta, tabata, a in TP and AspP
306(1)
3.2.1 Tense contexts
307(3)
3.2.2 Ta in gerundial clauses
310(1)
3.2.3 Tense and Aspect
311(2)
3.3 The status of pa in MoodP
313(1)
3.4 Summary
314(1)
4 Conclusion
315(2)
Chapter 9 The properties of functional categories in the three creoles
317(28)
Claire Lefebvre
1 Introduction
317(1)
2 Functional categories occurring in nominal structures
317(8)
2.1 Definite determiners
319(2)
2.2 Possessive phrases
321(1)
2.3 Demonstrative terms
322(1)
2.4 Plural markers
322(3)
2.5 Summary
325(1)
3 Coordination
325(3)
4 Complementizers
328(10)
4.1 Subjunctive complementizers
328(6)
4.2 Indicative complementizers
334(3)
4.3 Summary
337(1)
5 The Tense, Mood and Aspect markers
338(4)
6 Conclusion
342(3)
Chapter 10 Conclusion
345(18)
Claire Lefebvre
1 Introduction
345(1)
2 The similarity between the subsystems of functional categories of the three creoles
346(3)
3 Relabeling
349(5)
4 Other processes that play a role in establishing the properties of functional categories in the development of creoles
354(4)
4.1 Grammaticalization
354(2)
4.2 Leveling
356(2)
5 Phenomena that are the result of some process(es)
358(1)
5.1 Restructuring
358(1)
5.2 Extension
359(1)
6 Multifunctionality and the concept of lexical entry
359(1)
7 Conclusion
360(3)
References 363(18)
Index of authors 381(4)
Index of subjects 385
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