Foreword |
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iii | |
Acknowledgements |
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v | |
Acronyms and Abbreviations |
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xi | |
Executive Summary |
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xv | |
Contributors |
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xxi | |
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3 | (22) |
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1.1 Why gender-inclusive elections matter |
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4 | (3) |
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1.2 Women in Commonwealth African parliaments |
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7 | (2) |
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9 | (1) |
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1.4 Presiding officers of legislatures |
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10 | (1) |
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1.5 Heads of State/Government |
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11 | (3) |
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1.6 What keeps women out of politics? |
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14 | (4) |
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1.7 Barriers to women's political participation across the electoral cycle |
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18 | (1) |
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1.8 Keys to gender-inclusive elections |
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19 | (2) |
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21 | (4) |
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21 | (1) |
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21 | (4) |
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25 | (14) |
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2.1 National instruments on gender |
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26 | (10) |
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36 | (3) |
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36 | (3) |
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3 The Legislature, Electoral Systems and Temporary Special Measures |
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39 | (18) |
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40 | (1) |
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3.2 Temporary special measures |
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41 | (4) |
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3.3 Rwanda: Constitutional quota -- predominantly PR |
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45 | (1) |
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3.4 South Africa: Pros and cons of voluntary TSMs in a PR system |
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45 | (2) |
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3.5 Namibia: Impact of a mix of special measures |
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47 | (1) |
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3.6 Botswana: The pitfalls of voluntary party TSMs |
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47 | (1) |
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3.7 Uganda: Reserved seats -- legislated quota in FPTP |
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47 | (1) |
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3.8 Tanzania's quota system |
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48 | (1) |
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3.9 Lesotho: Tanzania model at local -- but not at national-level |
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49 | (1) |
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3.10 Mauritius: Gender-neutral quota at the local level |
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49 | (1) |
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3.11 Malawi moves to introduce legislated quota in FPTP system |
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50 | (1) |
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3.12 Ghana: The need for TSMs |
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50 | (1) |
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3.13 Kenya: State taken to task for not abiding by constitutional quota |
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51 | (1) |
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3.14 Cameroon: FPTP and `evidence of gender considerations' |
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52 | (1) |
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3.15 Seychelles: Why TSMs matter |
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52 | (1) |
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53 | (4) |
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53 | (1) |
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53 | (4) |
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57 | (16) |
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4.1 Women in political party leadership |
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58 | (1) |
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4.2 Political party support for women candidates |
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58 | (3) |
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4.3 Party support for TSMs -- legislated and voluntary |
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61 | (3) |
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4.4 Financial support for women candidates |
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64 | (1) |
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4.5 Violence against women in politics |
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64 | (2) |
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66 | (1) |
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4.7 Political party allegiance |
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66 | (1) |
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66 | (1) |
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4.9 Checklists for political parties |
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67 | (6) |
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69 | (4) |
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5 Gender and Election Management Bodies |
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73 | (22) |
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5.1 Challenges in recruiting women to senior positions |
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74 | (5) |
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5.2 How EMBs are mainstreaming gender institutionally |
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79 | (2) |
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81 | (4) |
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85 | (1) |
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86 | (1) |
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87 | (2) |
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89 | (6) |
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92 | (1) |
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92 | (3) |
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95 | (12) |
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6.1 Mapping CSOs and WROs in Commonwealth Africa |
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96 | (1) |
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6.2 Research and advocacy on TSMs |
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97 | (1) |
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6.3 Mobilisation power of CSOs |
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98 | (1) |
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6.4 Support to women candidates |
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98 | (2) |
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6.5 Capacity-building for newly elected leaders |
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100 | (1) |
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100 | (2) |
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102 | (1) |
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102 | (1) |
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6.9 Monitoring gender violence during elections and promoting peace |
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102 | (1) |
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103 | (4) |
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103 | (4) |
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7 The Media and Social Media |
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107 | (10) |
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7.1 Women in the news and in election coverage |
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107 | (2) |
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7.2 Women politicians and the media |
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109 | (1) |
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7.3 Gender-responsive reporting |
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110 | (1) |
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7.4 Social (new) media and elections |
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111 | (1) |
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112 | (5) |
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112 | (5) |
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117 | (6) |
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8.1 Gender balance in election observer missions |
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118 | (1) |
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8.2 Regional and international co-operation |
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118 | (1) |
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119 | (4) |
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119 | (4) |
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9 Conclusions and Recommendations |
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123 | (12) |
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9.1 Requisite policy actions for key stakeholders |
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124 | (3) |
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127 | (8) |
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131 | (4) |
Annex |
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135 | (12) |
Glossary |
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147 | (8) |
Bibliography |
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155 | |