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E-grāmata: Language Contact in Europe: The Periphrastic Perfect through History

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(University of Texas, San Antonio)
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Language Contact in Europe: The Periphrastic Perfect through HistoryPalielināt
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This comprehensive new work provides extensive evidence for the essential role of language contact as a primary trigger for change. Unique in breadth, it traces the spread of the periphrastic perfect across Europe over the last 2,500 years, illustrating at each stage the micro-responses of speakers and communities to macro-historical pressures. Among the key forces claimed to be responsible for normative innovations in both eastern and western Europe is 'roofing' - the superstratal influence of Greek and Latin on languages under the influence of Greek Orthodoxy and Roman Catholicism respectively. The author provides a new interpretation of the notion of 'sprachbund', presenting the model of a three-dimensional stratified convergence zone, and applies this model to her analysis of the have and be perfects within the Charlemagne sprachbund. The book also tackles broader theoretical issues, for example, demonstrating that the perfect tense should not be viewed as a universal category.

Papildus informācija

This book traces the spread of the perfect tense across Europe, demonstrating the crucial role of language contact.
Series Editor's Foreword xi
Acknowledgments xiii
Abbreviations, Based on the Leipzig Glossing Rules xv
1 Language Contact in Europe: The Periphrastic Perfect through History
1(23)
1.1 Introduction
1(8)
1.2 The European Periphrastic Perfect as an Areal Phenomenon
9(3)
1.3 The Role of Contact in Grammatical Change
12(4)
1.4 Theoretical Issues: Contact and the Nature of Linguistic Change
16(8)
2 Languages in Contact, Areal Linguistics, and the Perfect
24(22)
2.1 Languages in Contact: Foundations
24(3)
2.2 Areal Linguistics
27(3)
2.3 Europe as a Linguistic Area: Eurotyp and Beyond
30(13)
2.4 Beyond EUROTYP: Redefining the Sprachbund
43(1)
2.5 Conclusions
44(2)
3 The Perfect as a Category
46(27)
3.1 Definitions and Types of Perfect
47(2)
3.2 Distribution of Perfects in the Languages of the World
49(1)
3.3 Arguments for the Universality of the Perfect
49(16)
3.4 Questioning the Universality of the Perfect
65(5)
3.5 Conclusions
70(3)
4 Sources of the Perfect in Indo-European
73(21)
4.1 Indo-European Synthetic Perfects
74(5)
4.2 IE Participles and Verbal Adjectives
79(8)
4.3 The Etymology of be and have in IE
87(3)
4.4 The Role of Indo-European
90(2)
4.5 Conclusions
92(2)
5 The Periphrastic Perfect in Greek
94(18)
5.1 History of the Greek Periphrastic Perfect
94(3)
5.2 Innovations in Ancient Greek: Periphrastic Perfects
97(5)
5.3 Later Developments in the Koine
102(6)
5.4 The Role of Latin Influence on Greek: Mutual Influence
108(1)
5.5 Byzantine Greek
109(1)
5.6 Conclusions
110(2)
6 The Periphrastic Perfect in Latin
112(32)
6.1 Overview of the History of the Latin Perfect
112(5)
6.2 The Development of the Latin have Perfect: Recent Theories
117(6)
6.3 Arguments for Greek Influence on Latin have Perfects
123(3)
6.4 Evidence for Greek Influence on Latin have Perfects
126(6)
6.5 The Role of Christianity in Latin
132(6)
6.6 Late Latin
138(3)
6.7 Conclusions
141(3)
7 The Charlemagne Sprachbund and the Periphrastic Perfects
144(25)
7.1 Core vs. Periphery in the Charlemagne Sprachbund
144(4)
7.2 Comparison of "Charlemagne Sprachbund" to Charlemagne's Empire
148(4)
7.3 Merovingians, Carolingians, and the Nature of the Charlemagne Sprachbund
152(1)
7.4 Latin in the Carolingian Court and Realm
153(1)
7.5 Have Perfects in Carolingian Latin
154(2)
7.6 Deponents and be Perfects in Carolingian Latin
156(2)
7.7 Evidence from the Annates Regni Francorum
158(7)
7.8 Evidence from the Strasbourg Oaths
165(1)
7.9 Larger Implications: The North-South Continuum of Romance
166(1)
7.10 Conclusions
167(2)
8 The Core and Peripheral Features of the Romance Languages
169(51)
8.1 Introduction
169(5)
8.2 The Core and Peripheral Features of French Varieties
174(9)
8.3 The Core and Peripheral Features of Italian Varieties
183(10)
8.4 The Core and Peripheral Features of the Varieties of the Iberian Peninsula
193(23)
8.5 Romanian
216(2)
8.6 Conclusions
218(2)
9 The Early Development of the Perfect in the Germanic Languages
220(35)
9.1 Introduction
220(3)
9.2 The Sacral Stamp of Greek and Latin on Gothic
223(5)
9.3 Old High German, Old Saxon, and the Charlemagne Sprachbund
228(19)
9.4 Dutch
247(1)
9.5 North Germanic Languages
248(2)
9.6 English
250(4)
9.7 Conclusions
254(1)
10 The Semantic Shift of Anterior to Preterite
255(12)
10.1 Introduction
255(2)
10.2 The Role of Paris as Epicenter
257(4)
10.3 Documentary Evidence
261(4)
10.4 Conclusions
265(2)
11 The Balkan Perfects: Grammaticalization and Contact
267(21)
11.1 Historical Factors Fostering Balkan Linguistic Unity
267(1)
11.2 The Balkan Evidence
268(11)
11.3 New Contacts: Western European Orientation and Modern Greek Influence
279(6)
11.4 Contact and Grammatical Change
285(1)
11.5 Conclusions
286(2)
12 Byzantium, Orthodoxy, and Old Church Slavonic
288(26)
12.1 Introduction
288(1)
12.2 Slavia Orthodoxa and Slavia Romana
288(1)
12.3 Historical Relations of Byzantium and Church Slavonic
289(2)
12.4 The Sacral Stamp of Greek and the OCS Verb System
291(6)
12.5 The Periphrastic Perfect in OCS
297(5)
12.6 Stratification of Features in the OCS Perfect
302(3)
12.7 Perfect and Aorist
305(3)
12.8 The Role of the l-perfect in the Early Development of Viewpoint Aspect
308(2)
12.9 Statistical Analyses of OCS Aspect
310(2)
12.10 Conclusions
312(2)
13 The l-perfect in North Slavic
314(27)
13.1 Introduction
314(1)
13.2 Replacement of Aspect Tenses by l-perfect in North Slavic
314(2)
13.3 Patterns of Migration and Colonization
316(1)
13.4 Reduction and Loss of the be Auxiliary in North Slavic Perfects
316(8)
13.5 Documentary Evidence for the Development of the l-perfect in East Slavic
324(10)
13.6 Geographical and Sociolinguistic Factors in the Development of Aspect
334(4)
13.7 Conclusions
338(3)
14 Updating the Notion of Sprachbund: New Resultatives and the Circum-Baltic "Stratified Convergence Zone"
341(36)
14.1 The "New Resultatives" of North Slavic and Baltic
341(6)
14.2 The Circum-Baltic Area: Updating the Notion of Sprachbund
347(2)
14.3 The *-ues- Resultatives and the Circum-Baltic Contact Zone
349(5)
14.4 The Stratified Development of Possessive Resultatives in be + ppp + Oblique Possessor
354(11)
14.5 The Hansa
365(2)
14.6 The Polish Impersonal -no/to- Construction: Related to North Russian -no/to-?
367(3)
14.7 Alternative Explanations
370(5)
14.8 Conclusions
375(2)
15 The have Resultative in North Slavic and Baltic
377(18)
15.1 Have Resultatives in the West Slavic Languages
377(7)
15.2 The Lithuanian have + pap Resultative: Isolated or Transitional?
384(8)
15.3 Conclusions
392(3)
16 Conclusions
395(14)
16.1 Chronological Summary
395(5)
16.2 Broader Generalizations
400(7)
16.3 Contact as the Essential Trigger for Language Change
407(2)
Notes 409(28)
Bibliography 437(44)
Index 481
Bridget Drinka is a Professor and former Chair of the Department of English at the University of Texas, San Antonio. She has taught at a number of universities worldwide, and has written extensively on Indo-European temporal-aspectual categories, cladistic models of language relationship, stratification as a mapping tool, the 'sacral stamp' of Greek, and on other topics related to her interest in Indo-European, historical, and socio-historical linguistics. She serves as President of the International Society for Historical Linguistics, and as Associate Editor of Folia Linguistica Historica.
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