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E-grāmata: Latin Embedded Clauses: The left periphery

(Ghent University)
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Latin Embedded Clauses: The left peripheryPalielināt
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This monograph is one of the first studies that approaches Latin syntax from a formal perspective, combining detailed corpus-based description with formal theoretical analysis. The empirical focus is word order in embedded clauses, with special attention to clauses in which one or more constituents surface to the left of a subordinating conjunction. It is proposed that two such types of left peripheral fronting should be distinguished. The proposed analyses shed light not only on the clausal left periphery, but also on the overall structure of the Latin clause. The study is couched in the framework of generative grammar, but since a thorough introduction is provided, no special background in formal syntax is required. Major topics touched upon are word order, information structure, locality, and the syntax of pied-piping. The book covers both synchronic and diachronic topics of Latin syntax, and is of interest for classical philologists, historical linguists, and formal syntacticians.

Recenzijas

Given that there are very few studies on Latin word order that make use of descriptive means provided by formal linguistics (cf., e.g., Devine & Stephens 2006), this book fills a gap in syntactic research and is a genuine contribution to the field [ ...] the book is very instructive in showing what modern syntactic research (within the cartographic framework) can teach us about the structure of a linguistically under-researched language like Latin. -- Andreas Trotzke, University of Konstanz, on Linguist List 23.4367, 2012

Preface xv
List of abbreviations
xvii
Chapter 1 Introduction
1(52)
1 The phenomenon of `Left Edge Fronting'
1(9)
1.1 The core data
1(1)
1.1.1 Some first examples
1(2)
1.1.2 The notion of `left periphery'
3(1)
1.2 Earlier accounts of Latin LEF
3(1)
1.2.1 Conjunctions as second position clitics
4(1)
1.2.2 LEF as emphatic fronting
4(1)
1.2.3 Evaluation
5(1)
1.3 Two types of LEF
6(1)
1.4 LEF in Latin adverbial clauses: A corpus survey
6(1)
1.4.1 Step 1: Corpus research
7(1)
1.4.1.1 General remarks
7(1)
1.4.1.2 Description of the corpus
7(1)
1.4.1.3 Periodization
8(1)
1.4.1.4 Why adverbial clauses?
9(1)
1.4.2 Step 2: Syntactic analysis
10(1)
2 Word order in Latin
10(4)
2.1 `Free but not arbitrary': On the flexibility of Latin word order
10(2)
2.2 Restrictions on word order permutations
12(1)
2.2.1 The position of sentential negation
12(2)
2.2.2 Conclusion
14(1)
3 Linear order vs. hierarchical structure
14(4)
3.1 A case study: Object positions in Latin
15(1)
3.2 Linear order in syntax as a derived notion
16(2)
3.3 Conclusion
18(1)
4 Latin as a discourse-configurational language
18(10)
4.1 Word order and information structure
19(1)
4.1.1 Discourse neutral word order
19(1)
4.1.2 The free word order phenomenon
20(1)
4.1.2.1 Non-configurationality
20(1)
4.1.2.2 Discourse configurationality
21(1)
4.2 Latin as a discourse configurational language
22(1)
4.2.1 Discourse neutral word order
22(1)
4.2.2 Some `marked' word order patterns
23(1)
4.2.2.1 Left peripheral constituents
23(4)
4.2.2.2 Scrambling
27(1)
4.3 Round-up
28(1)
5 Addendum: Studying word order variation: A crash course in generative syntax
28(25)
5.1 Some preliminaries
28(1)
5.1.1 Phrase structure
29(1)
5.1.2 Deriving linear order from hierarchical structure
30(1)
5.1.2.1 C-command
30(1)
5.1.2.2 The LCA and some of its consequences
31(1)
5.1.3 The architecture of the grammar
32(1)
5.2 Structure of the clause
33(1)
5.2.1 The Universal Base and the cartographic project
33(1)
5.2.2 Tripartition vs. bipartition
34(1)
5.2.3 The Verb Phrase
35(1)
5.2.4 The Tense Phrase
35(1)
5.2.5 The Complementizer Phrase
36(1)
5.2.6 Summary
37(1)
5.2.7 A note on DPs
38(1)
5.3 Movement
38(1)
5.3.1 The nature of syntactic derivations
38(1)
5.3.2 Types of movement
39(1)
5.3.2.1 Head movement
39(1)
5.3.2.2 A-movement
40(1)
5.3.2.3 A'-movement
40(4)
5.3.2.4 Scrambling
44(1)
5.3.3 Relativized Minimality
45(1)
5.3.3.1 The basic idea
45(1)
5.3.3.2 Head movement, A-movement and A'-movement and RM
46(1)
5.3.3.3 Splitting the A'-paradigm
47(1)
5.3.3.4 Feature based RM
48(1)
5.3.4 Syntactic islands
48(1)
5.3.4.1 A small inventory of syntactic islands
48(1)
5.3.4.2 Island effects as a diagnostic for movement
49(2)
5.4 Conclusion
51(2)
Chapter 2 The internal syntax of Adverbial Clauses (ACs)
53(42)
1 Adverbial clauses: The landscape
53(11)
1.1 Clausal adjuncts
53(1)
1.2 External syntax of ACs
54(1)
1.2.1 Functional projections
54(1)
1.2.2 Clause-initial and clause-final position
55(1)
1.3 Latin ACs: Some key properties
56(1)
1.3.1 Latin ACs: Finite adverbials
56(1)
1.3.2 Monosemous vs. polysemous conjunctions
57(1)
1.3.3 Distinguishing different types of ACs introduced by ut
58(2)
1.3.4 More on verbal mood in embedded clauses
60(4)
2 The operator derivation of ACs
64(9)
2.1 Temporal ACs as free relatives
64(1)
2.1.1 Adverbial subordinators with wh-morphology
64(1)
2.1.1.1 when as a wh-item
64(1)
2.1.1.2 cum as a wh-item
65(2)
2.1.2 Long distance readings
67(1)
2.1.2.1 English
67(1)
2.1.3 Analysis
68(1)
2.2 Conditionals
69(1)
2.3 Possible extensions
70(3)
3 Main Clause Phenomena
73(6)
3.1 What are Main Clause Phenomena?
73(2)
3.2 Explaining the ban on embedded MCP
75(1)
3.2.1 The role of `assertion'
75(1)
3.2.2 `Truncation' account (Haegeman 2003a, b; 2006)
76(1)
3.2.3 Intervention account (Haegeman 2009, 2010a, b)
77(2)
4 Two types of ACs
79(4)
4.1 Central vs. peripheral ACs
79(1)
4.2 External syntax
80(1)
4.3 MCP in peripheral ACs
81(1)
4.4 Peripheral ACs in Latin
81(2)
5 The distribution of the particle quidem in ACs
83(10)
5.1 Syntactic distribution of quidem
83(1)
5.1.1 ACs introduced by monosemous conjunctions
83(1)
5.1.2 ACs introduced by polysemous conjunctions
84(1)
5.2 On the interpretation of quidem
85(2)
5.3 quidem as a polarity marker
87(1)
5.3.1 `Stripping' or Bare Argument Ellipsis
88(1)
5.3.2 quidem in stripping contexts
88(2)
5.3.3 The syntax of polarity focus
90(1)
5.3.4 Stripping as TP-ellipsis
90(2)
5.3.5 Stripping in Latin
92(1)
5.4 Accounting for the MCP-like distribution of quidem
92(1)
6 Conclusion
93(2)
Chapter 3 The left periphery of embedded clauses
95(28)
1 The position of subordinating conjunctions with respect to topics and foci
95(9)
1.1 Subordinators in ForceP
95(2)
1.2 Subordinators lower than ForceP
97(1)
1.2.1 Introduction
97(2)
1.2.2 Modern Greek
99(3)
1.2.3 Some additional cross-linguistic data
102(1)
1.2.3.1 Bulgarian
102(1)
1.2.3.2 Russian
103(1)
1.2.3.3 English
103(1)
1.2.4 Intermediate conclusion
104(1)
2 Clause typing and the role of ForceP
104(7)
2.1 On the position of subordinating conjunctions in the C-system
104(1)
2.1.1 Clause type and illocutionary force
104(1)
2.1.2 Disjoining subordinators from clause-typers
105(2)
2.2 The left periphery of Latin ACs
107(1)
2.3 LEF in Latin: A closer look at the data
108(3)
3 Corpus study of LEF in Latin ACs
111(11)
3.1 Facts and figures
112(1)
3.1.1 The basic data set
112(2)
3.1.2 Position of the AC in the superordinate clause
114(4)
3.2 A first discussion of the figures
118(1)
3.2.1 A quantitative left-right assymmetry
118(2)
3.2.2 Diachrony
120(2)
4 A preview of the upcoming analyses
122(1)
Chapter 4 The syntax of island pied-piping: Evidence from Latin relative clauses
123(84)
1 Introduction
123(49)
1.1 Presentation of the data
124(1)
1.1.1 Relative Verschrankung
124(2)
1.1.2 Clausal pied-piping
126(1)
1.1.3 Four important features of relative Verschrankung
127(1)
1.1.3.1 A left-right asymmetry
127(1)
1.1.3.2 Case morphology
127(1)
1.1.3.3 No parasitic gaps
128(1)
1.1.3.4 Linear position of the relative pronoun
128(1)
1.1.4 Nature of the relative clause CP2
129(2)
1.2 Cross-linguistic parallels
131(1)
1.2.1 Ancient Greek
132(1)
1.2.2 Early Modern English
132(1)
1.2.3 Bavarian
133(2)
1.2.4 Old Portuguese
135(1)
1.3 Islands vs. non-islands
136(1)
1.3.1 Complement clauses
136(1)
1.3.1.1 Long extraction out of complement clauses
136(2)
1.3.1.2 Pied-piped complement clauses
138(2)
1.3.2 Strong islands in Latin, and some `exotic' extractions
140(1)
1.3.2.1 Adverbial clauses
140(2)
1.3.2.2 Clausal subjects
142(1)
1.3.3 Summary
142(1)
Clausal pied-piping
143(1)
2.1 Introduction: On the phenomenon of pied-piping
143(1)
2.1.1 Pied-piping of a DP
144(1)
2.1.2 (Left Branch) Extraction
145(1)
2.1.3 Frequency of pied-piping
146(1)
2.2 Clausal/island pied-piping cross-linguistically
147(1)
2.2.1 Imbabura Quechua
147(1)
2.2.2 Basque
148(1)
2.2.3 Malayalam
149(1)
2.3 The syntax of clausal pied-piping
150(1)
2.3.1 Step 1: Internal wh-movement
151(1)
2.3.1.1 Tzotzil genitive possessors
151(1)
2.3.1.2 Latin genitival wh-modifiers
152(2)
2.3.1.3 German pied-piped infinitives
154(2)
2.3.1.4 The `Edge Generalization'
156(1)
2.3.1.5 Partial movement
156(2)
2.3.2 Step 2: Feature percolation
158(1)
2.3.2.1 Feature movement via left branches
158(2)
2.3.2.2 Eliminating feature percolation?
160(1)
2.3.3 Step 3: Movement of the derived operator
161(1)
2.4 Island pied-piping in a wh-in-situ language
162(4)
2.5 Two alternative analyses and their problems
166(1)
2.5.1 Alternative I: CP-scrambling followed by subextraction
166(1)
2.5.2 Alternative II: CP3 base generated in a leftward position
167(1)
2.6 Discussion: Internal wh-movement and successive cyclicity
168(1)
2.6.1 Recursive internal wh-movement
168(1)
2.6.1.1 Finnish
168(1)
2.6.1.2 Latin
169(2)
2.6.2 Concluding remarks
171(1)
3 A relative/interrogative asymmetry
172(9)
3.1 The behaviour of Latin interrogative wh-
172(1)
3.1.1 Recap: Pied-piping by relative wh-
172(1)
3.1.2 Pied-piping by interrogative wh-
173(1)
3.1.3 Summary
174(1)
3.2 Asymmetries between relative and interrogative wh-
174(1)
3.2.1 Extraction asymmetries
175(1)
3.2.1.1 English
175(1)
3.2.1.2 Bulgarian
175(1)
3.2.1.3 German
176(1)
3.2.2 Wh-in-situ
177(1)
3.2.3 Crossover asymmetries
178(1)
3.2.4 Conclusion
179(1)
3.3 The feature make-up of wh-phrases
179(1)
3.4 The derivation of Latin relative Verschrankung
180(1)
3.5 Conclusion
181(1)
4 Extending the pied-piping analysis to cases with 2 CPs
181(24)
4.1 More on the nature of the relative clause in LEF1
181(1)
4.1.1 Introducing the relatif de liaison
181(2)
4.1.2 Relatif de liaison and LEF
183(1)
4.1.3 Bare vs. attributive wh-pronouns
184(1)
4.2 Two types of non-restrictive relative clauses
185(1)
4.2.1 Independent illocutionary force
186(2)
4.2.2 Category of the antecedent
188(1)
4.2.3 `Preposability': wh-words in parentheticals
188(1)
4.2.4 Non-identity of external and internal head
189(2)
4.2.5 Binding into relative clauses
191(1)
4.2.6 Pied-piping
192(2)
4.3 Two patterns in clausal pied-piping
194(1)
4.3.1 Early Modern Dutch
194(1)
4.3.2 Latin
195(2)
4.3.3 Structure and derivation
197(2)
4.4 On the pronoun introducing non-restrictive RCs
199(1)
4.4.1 Referential dependency and E-type pronouns
200(4)
4.4.2 Interpretive similarity with coordinating conjunction + pronoun
204(1)
5 Summary
205(2)
Chapter 5 Clausal pied-piping by topics
207(52)
1 Non wh-words undergoing LEF: The data
207(7)
1.1 Type A: Single LEF
209(1)
1.1.1 Patterns attested
209(1)
1.1.2 Table and figures
210(1)
1.2 Type B: Multiple LEF
211(1)
1.2.1 Patterns attested
211(1)
1.2.2 Table and figures
212(1)
1.3 A note on ILLE
212(2)
2 Excursus: Latin pronouns
214(10)
2.1 The system of Latin personal pronouns
214(1)
2.1.1 pro drop
214(1)
2.1.2 Overt pronouns: Paradigms
215(1)
2.1.3 Third person pronouns
215(2)
2.2 On the nature and usage of third person pronouns
217(1)
2.2.1 Demonstratives, or personal pronouns after all?
217(1)
2.2.1.1 Spatial deixis
218(1)
2.2.1.2 Principle B or principle C?
218(1)
2.2.1.3 Reference to non-humans
219(1)
2.2.2 Deixis vs. anaphora
220(1)
2.2.2.1 Deictic and other non-anaphoric uses
220(1)
2.2.2.2 Anaphoric use
221(1)
2.2.3 Pragmatic differences between third person pronouns
222(1)
2.3 ± Attributive
223(1)
3 Type A: LEF1 with 1 pronoun
224(10)
3.1 Clause-internal occurrences of IS
224(4)
3.2 Fronted pronouns
228(3)
3.3 Topicalization asymmetries in modern languages
231(1)
3.1.1 Standard German
231(1)
3.3.2 Bavarian `Emphatic Topicalization'
232(1)
3.3.2.1 The basic data
232(2)
3.3.2.2 Pragmatic value of ET
234(1)
4 Accounting for the left-right asymmetry
234(7)
4.1 Clausal pied-piping by topics: Bayer 2001
235(3)
4.2 Latin pronominal LEF
238(1)
4.2.1 No topics inside (central) ACs
238(2)
4.2.2 AC-external Topic probe
240(1)
5 Type B: Multiple LEF, and what it can teach us
241(14)
5.1 Multiple LEF: The data
241(1)
5.1.1 Attested patterns
241(1)
5.1.2 Unattested patterns
242(1)
5.1.3 Question: Multiple fronting or two different phenomena?
243(1)
5.2 Sources of multiple A'-movement
243(1)
5.2.1 Recursion: Multiple topics
243(1)
5.2.2 Multiple wh-movement and clustering
244(1)
5.2.2.1 The phenomenon
244(2)
5.2.2.2 Two types of multiple wh-languages
246(3)
5.2.2.3 Multiple wh- in Latin
249(1)
5.2.2.4 A note on phrasal clusters
250(1)
5.3 Latin: Only one pied-piper
251(1)
5.3.1 No multiple topics
252(1)
5.3.2 Multiple A'-movement
252(1)
5.3.2.1 Superiority effects in multiple wh
252(1)
5.3.2.2 No superiority effects in multiple LEF
253(1)
5.3.3 Interim conclusion
254(1)
5.4 Non-pronominal DP pied-pipers revisited
254(1)
6 A possible alternative
255(2)
6.1 Romance (esp. Italian) Clitic Left Dislocation
255(1)
6.1.1 The left-right asymmetry
255(1)
6.1.2 Position of CILD-constituents
256(1)
6.2 No pied-piping, is and hic in TopP
257(1)
7 Conclusion
257(2)
Chapter 6 LEF2: Presentational foci in CP
259(32)
1 A third kind of fronting in embedded clauses
260(15)
1.1 Fronting in rightward clauses
260(1)
1.1.1 Some quantitative data
260(2)
1.1.2 LEF2 in initial clauses
262(1)
1.1.3 Multiple LEF2?
263(2)
1.2 Some interpretive characteristics of LEF2
265(1)
1.2.1 Discourse status of the fronted phrase
266(1)
1.2.2 Fronting of non-referential elements
267(3)
1.2.3 Fronting of non-specific elements: Indefinites and bare quantifiers
270(2)
1.3 What LEF2 is not, and why
272(1)
1.3.1 Against a scrambling analysis of LEF2
273(1)
1.3.2 Against a CILD analysis
273(2)
1.4 A note on word order in poetry
275(1)
2 Presentational foci in CP
275(11)
2.1 Different types of constituent focus: The classical picture
276(1)
2.1.1 Two types of constituent focus
276(1)
2.1.1.1 Identincational foci
276(1)
2.1.1.2 Presentational foci
277(1)
2.1.2 Presentational foci in FocvP
278(2)
2.1.3 The locus of focus: Focus projections in the clausal spine
280(1)
2.2 Some refinements
280(1)
2.2.1 Modern Greek
281(1)
2.2.2 Sicilian
282(1)
2.2.3 `Subpart of Focus Fronting'
283(1)
2.3 Characterization of Latin LEF2
284(2)
3 Summary
286(1)
4 Interlude: The special behaviour of LEF under coordination
287(4)
4.1 The data that initially made me think that LEF is postsyntactic PF-movement...
287(2)
4.2 ...and the ones that subsequently made me abandon this idea
289(2)
Chapter 7 The syntax of LEF2: A synchronic and diachronic perspective
291(46)
1 Diachronic evolution: Decline of LEF2
291(9)
1.1 Results of the corpus study
292(1)
1.1.1 The figures
292(2)
1.1.2 Statistics
294(2)
1.2 Two hypotheses
296(1)
1.2.1 How LEF2-constituents end up in CP
296(1)
1.2.2 Syntactic change in Latin: The loss of LEF2 and the shift from OV to VO
297(3)
2 The derivation of Latin SOV
300(19)
2.1 Theoretical premises
300(1)
2.1.1 Universal base and language specific neutral word orders
300(1)
2.1.2 `Mixed' word order languages
301(1)
2.1.3 Verbal inflection and head movement
301(1)
2.1.4 The EPP-requirement
302(2)
2.2 Deriving the order `verb-inflection' through vP movement: Some case studies
304(1)
2.2.1 West Flemish
305(2)
2.2.2 Finnish
307(2)
2.2.3 Hindi
309(1)
2.3 vP movement in Latin
310(1)
2.3.1 OV word order in Latin: The basic idea
311(1)
2.3.1.1 Synthetic vs. analytic verbs
311(1)
2.3.1.2 Deriving the order OV: Short object movement
312(1)
2.3.1.3 Deriving the order V-INFL: (remnant) vP movement
312(2)
2.3.2 Two illustrations
314(1)
2.3.2.1 `Analytic' transitive verbs
314(3)
2.3.2.2 Auxiliaries and transitive infinitives
317(2)
2.3.3 Round-up
319(1)
3 A `smuggling' derivation
319(5)
3.1 Smuggling and locality
319(1)
3.1.1 English passives
320(1)
3.1.2 Italian VOS
321(1)
3.1.3 Clause-final functional adverbs
321(2)
3.2 Details of the Latin derivation
323(1)
3.2.1 Some notes on locality
323(1)
3.2.2 An example: LEF2 of a direct object
323(1)
4 Decline and loss of LEF2
324(11)
4.1 Not so strictly INFL-final: V-XP order in Latin
325(1)
4.1.1 Previous accounts
325(2)
4.1.2 VO-syntax: Not a unitary phenomenon
327(1)
4.1.2.1 Postverbal I: Destressed `tails'
328(2)
4.1.2.2 Postverbal II: Presentational foci
330(3)
4.2 Loss of vP movement and its consequences
333(2)
5 Conclusion
335(2)
References 337(24)
Language index 361(2)
Person index 363(4)
Subject index 367
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