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viii | |
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ix | |
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xi | |
Acknowledgements |
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xii | |
Introduction: Studying the legitimacy of citizen-led deliberative democracy |
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1 | (9) |
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1 | (2) |
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3 | (1) |
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4 | (1) |
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5 | (5) |
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8 | (2) |
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1 Democratic innovation in an unlikely place |
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10 | (13) |
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10 | (3) |
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2 Consociationalism and public passivity |
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13 | (2) |
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3 Party politics and the discourse of separation |
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15 | (1) |
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4 Multilingualism and a divided public sphere |
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16 | (1) |
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5 The widening gap between citizens and elites |
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17 | (1) |
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6 The long road to accommodation |
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18 | (1) |
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7 Conclusion: democratic innovation meets political deadlock |
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19 | (4) |
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19 | (4) |
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2 The G1000 and the funnel of citizen participation |
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23 | (18) |
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1 G1000: a citizens' initiative |
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23 | (4) |
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27 | (1) |
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3 The three phases of the G1000 |
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28 | (6) |
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Phase 1 Public Consultation |
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28 | (4) |
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32 | (1) |
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33 | (1) |
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4 The budget and its funding |
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34 | (4) |
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The crowdfunders of the G1000 |
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34 | (3) |
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37 | (1) |
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5 Conclusion: from a small group of citizens to a large citizen deliberation |
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38 | (3) |
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39 | (2) |
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3 Participants and non-participants |
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41 | (26) |
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41 | (4) |
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42 | (1) |
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Targeted recruitment for difficult-to-reach groups |
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43 | (1) |
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44 | (1) |
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45 | (12) |
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Motivation(s) to participate |
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46 | (1) |
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Political efficacy, trust and democratic preferences |
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47 | (7) |
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54 | (2) |
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56 | (1) |
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57 | (7) |
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58 | (4) |
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Explaining non-participation |
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62 | (2) |
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4 Conclusion: diversity of participants and reasons (not) to participate |
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64 | (3) |
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65 | (2) |
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4 Democratic credentials and trade-offs |
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67 | (15) |
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67 | (3) |
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2 Effective participation |
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70 | (2) |
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72 | (3) |
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75 | (1) |
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5 Neutrality and independence |
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76 | (1) |
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77 | (1) |
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7 Conclusion: mixed credentials and democratic trade-offs |
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78 | (4) |
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79 | (3) |
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5 Deliberation and the challenge of multilingualism |
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82 | (17) |
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1 The potential of multilingual deliberation |
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82 | (2) |
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2 The G1000 as real-life test case |
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84 | (7) |
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3 The transformative effects of intergroup deliberation |
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91 | (5) |
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4 Conclusion: from intergroup deliberation to intergroup appreciation |
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96 | (3) |
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97 | (2) |
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99 | (21) |
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100 | (3) |
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Before the G1000 (10 June 2011 -- 10 November 2011) |
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100 | (1) |
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During the G1000 (11 November 2011 -- 10 November 2012) |
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101 | (1) |
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After the G1000 (11 November 2012 -- 31 December 2015) |
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102 | (1) |
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2 Conventional political uptake |
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103 | (3) |
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103 | (2) |
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105 | (1) |
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3 Explaining the political uptake and looking for more diffuse political support |
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106 | (6) |
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107 | (1) |
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Differences between political parties |
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108 | (1) |
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109 | (3) |
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112 | (3) |
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5 Conclusion: no direct impact but diffuse influence |
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115 | (5) |
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117 | (3) |
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120 | (17) |
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1 Participants vs. maxi-public |
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121 | (3) |
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Internal political efficacy |
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121 | (1) |
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External political efficacy |
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122 | (2) |
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124 | (1) |
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3 Democratic preferences and support for the process of the G1000 |
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125 | (5) |
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Democratic preferences: participants vs. maxi-public |
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126 | (3) |
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Support for the process of the G1000 |
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129 | (1) |
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4 Support for the effects of the G1000 |
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130 | (2) |
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5 Support for the results of the G1000 |
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132 | (2) |
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6 Conclusion: mini-and maxi-public |
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134 | (3) |
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134 | (3) |
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8 Social offspring and long-term consequences |
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137 | (13) |
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1 The offspring of the G1000 in Belgium |
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137 | (2) |
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2 The G1000 in the Netherlands |
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139 | (5) |
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140 | (2) |
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Questioning the output legitimacy |
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142 | (1) |
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Comparing the Belgian G1000 with the Dutch G1000s |
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143 | (1) |
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3 The G1000 elsewhere and the promotion of deliberative democracy and sortition |
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144 | (3) |
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4 Conclusion: democratic change in motion |
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147 | (3) |
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148 | (2) |
Conclusion: Deliberation between mini- and maxi-public |
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150 | (8) |
Index |
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158 | |