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Acknowledgments |
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1 | (4) |
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1.1 The study of modality and subjectivity |
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1 | (1) |
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2 | (1) |
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1.3 Theoretical orientation/Principles of the approach |
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3 | (2) |
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2 Modality and Subjectivity |
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5 | (56) |
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5 | (8) |
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5 | (3) |
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8 | (4) |
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2.1.3 Modality, mood, and illocution |
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12 | (1) |
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2.2 Subjectivity in language |
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13 | (10) |
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2.2.1 From Breal to Lyons |
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14 | (2) |
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2.2.2 The pragmatic approach |
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16 | (2) |
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2.2.3 The conceptualist approach |
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18 | (1) |
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2.2.4 Differences and commonalities |
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19 | (1) |
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2.2.5 The cognitive-pragmatic approach |
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20 | (1) |
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2.2.6 Intersubjectivity and objectivity |
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21 | (2) |
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2.3 Subjectivity in modality |
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23 | (23) |
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2.3.1 Approaches to subjectivity in modality |
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23 | (1) |
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2.3.1.1 Subjectivity in modality in terms of speaker involvement/performativity |
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24 | (2) |
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2.3.1.2 Subjectivity in modality in terms of construal |
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26 | (2) |
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2.3.1.3 Subjectivity in modality in terms of evidentiality |
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28 | (1) |
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2.3.1.4 Subjectivity in modality associated with form classes: a short comparison |
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29 | (2) |
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2.3.2 Structural and non-structural criteria for subjectivity in modal expressions |
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31 | (9) |
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2.3.3 Conclusion and proposal |
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40 | (5) |
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2.3.4 The place of intersubjectivity |
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45 | (1) |
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2.4 A new model of modality and mood |
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46 | (15) |
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2.4.1 Volitive vs. non-volitive modality |
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46 | (3) |
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2.4.2 Speech act-oriented vs. event-oriented modality |
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49 | (6) |
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2.4.3 Integrating volitivity and speech act orientation |
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55 | (6) |
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3 Modality and Semantic Change |
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61 | (57) |
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3.1 Semantic change and modal polysemy |
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61 | (14) |
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3.1.1 Classification of changes: types, processes, or mechanisms? |
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62 | (1) |
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3.1.2 Mechanisms of semantic change |
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62 | (4) |
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66 | (2) |
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3.1.4 Motivations for semantic change |
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68 | (1) |
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3.1.5 Directionality of semantic change |
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69 | (2) |
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3.1.6 (Inter)subjectification |
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71 | (4) |
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3.2 Hypotheses about the directionality of semantic change in modality |
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75 | (14) |
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3.2.1 Individual directionalities: from `deontic' or `root' to epistemic |
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75 | (2) |
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3.2.2 Subjectification in modality |
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77 | (5) |
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3.2.3 Bybee et al.'s paths of grammaticalization involving modality |
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82 | (2) |
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3.2.4 A semantic map of modality |
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84 | (4) |
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3.2.5 The perspective in generative grammar |
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88 | (1) |
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89 | (29) |
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3.3.1 Semantic change as category climbing |
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90 | (1) |
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3.3.1.1 Hierarchies of grammatical categories |
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90 | (10) |
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3.3.1.2 Dynamicization of the hierarchies |
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100 | (4) |
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3.3.2 Semantic change as increased speech act orientation |
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104 | (1) |
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3.3.2.1 Increased speech act orientation and (inter)subjectification |
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104 | (3) |
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3.3.2.2 Structural correlates of increased speech act orientation |
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107 | (3) |
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3.3.3 Change in the area of modality and mood |
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110 | (1) |
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110 | (2) |
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3.3.3.2 Source and target grammatical categories |
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112 | (2) |
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3.3.3.3 Comparison with van der Auwera and Plungian (1998) |
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114 | (4) |
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4 Illustrating the Model: Some Case Studies |
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118 | (32) |
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4.1 Change within modality |
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118 | (10) |
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118 | (4) |
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4.1.2 American Spanish capaz |
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122 | (2) |
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124 | (4) |
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4.2 From modality into mood |
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128 | (4) |
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4.2.1 Japanese be- continued |
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128 | (2) |
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130 | (2) |
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4.3 From modality to illocutionary modification |
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132 | (3) |
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4.3.1 From epistemic possibility to illocutionary modification |
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132 | (2) |
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4.3.2 From speculative to illocutionary modification: daroo |
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134 | (1) |
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135 | (8) |
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4.4.1 `Likeness' marker > inferential evidential: rasi- |
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136 | (4) |
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4.4.2 From voice to modality: -(r)are- |
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140 | (3) |
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143 | (5) |
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4.5.1 From aspect to tense and mood: -Ta |
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143 | (2) |
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4.5.2 From aspect to subordinating mood: -Tari |
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145 | (3) |
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148 | (2) |
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5 Cross-Linguistic Patterns of Polysemy and Change within Modality and Mood |
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150 | (35) |
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5.1 The data in Bybee et al. (1994) |
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150 | (2) |
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152 | (3) |
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5.3 From volitive to non-volitive modality (from deontic to epistemic) |
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155 | (2) |
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157 | (8) |
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5.4.1 Canonical directionality |
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157 | (3) |
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160 | (1) |
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5.4.2.1 From intention to obligation |
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160 | (4) |
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5.4.2.2 Purposive clauses expressing general necessity/obligation |
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164 | (1) |
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5.5 From non-volitive to volitive modality (epistemic to deontic) |
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165 | (6) |
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171 | (14) |
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5.6.1 Overall developments |
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171 | (4) |
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5.6.2 Extreme subjectification |
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175 | (1) |
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5.6.2.1 Epistemic modality and temporality |
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175 | (2) |
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5.6.2.2 Will- and should-type modal markers (prediction and weak necessity) |
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177 | (1) |
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5.6.2.3 Must-type (strong necessity) modal markers |
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177 | (2) |
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5.6.2.4 The development of subordinating mood: one more type of `extreme' subjectification |
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179 | (4) |
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183 | (2) |
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6 Shifts Between Types of Modality in Traditional Terms |
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185 | (74) |
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6.1 Between necessity and possibility |
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185 | (14) |
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6.1.1 From possibility to necessity: English must/German mussen |
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187 | (3) |
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6.1.2 From necessity to possibility |
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190 | (1) |
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190 | (2) |
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6.1.2.2 German modal infinitives |
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192 | (3) |
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6.1.2.3 Other Indo-European modal infinitives |
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195 | (2) |
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197 | (2) |
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6.2 Between participant-internal and participant-external modality |
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199 | (22) |
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6.2.1 From participant-internal to participant-external possibility |
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201 | (1) |
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6.2.2 From participant-external to participant-internal possibility |
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202 | (1) |
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6.2.2.1 Non-historical data |
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202 | (1) |
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203 | (2) |
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6.2.2.3 Thai and Japanese markers |
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205 | (4) |
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6.2.3 From participant-internal to participant-external necessity |
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209 | (1) |
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6.2.4 From participant-external to participant-internal necessity |
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210 | (5) |
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6.2.5 Chinese de: the whole story |
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215 | (5) |
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220 | (1) |
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6.3 `Deontic > epistemic' and its limits |
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221 | (36) |
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6.3.1 Linguistic contexts for the change from deontic to epistemic |
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222 | (1) |
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6.3.2 Synchronic observations |
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222 | (2) |
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6.3.3 The diachronic perspective |
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224 | (1) |
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6.3.3.1 Wide-scope readings with generic or expletive subjects, and in passive and impersonal constructions |
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224 | (7) |
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6.3.3.2 Stative propositions |
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231 | (1) |
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6.3.3.3 Adverbs with epistemic readings |
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232 | (1) |
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232 | (1) |
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6.3.4 Comparison with Japanese |
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233 | (1) |
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6.3.4.1 Wide-scope readings with generic or expletive subjects, and in passive and impersonal constructions |
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234 | (1) |
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6.3.4.2 Stative propositions |
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235 | (1) |
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6.3.4.3 Epistemic adverbs |
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236 | (1) |
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237 | (1) |
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238 | (1) |
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6.3.6 Conditions within the semantic field of modality |
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239 | (1) |
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6.3.6.1 Modal verbs as a replacement of verbal mood |
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240 | (1) |
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6.3.6.2 Modal verbs as a replacement of aspect |
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241 | (2) |
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243 | (1) |
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6.3.6.4 Comparison with Japanese |
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244 | (3) |
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247 | (1) |
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6.3.7 Sociocultural factors |
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248 | (1) |
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6.3.7.1 Cross-linguistic distribution of deontic/circumstantial necessity and participant-internal/circumstantial possibility markers |
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249 | (2) |
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6.3.7.2 Cross-linguistic paucity of `must'-type deontic markers and possible factors leading to it |
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251 | (6) |
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257 | (2) |
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7 Into (and Out of) Modality |
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259 | (24) |
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260 | (8) |
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7.1.1 Modal voice constructions |
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260 | (3) |
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7.1.2 Modal constructions with voice-like features |
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263 | (1) |
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7.1.3 Summary of constructions |
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264 | (1) |
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7.1.4 Motivation for modal voice constructions |
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264 | (4) |
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7.2 Possession and modality |
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268 | (5) |
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7.2.1 Modal possessive constructions |
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269 | (1) |
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7.2.2 Modal constructions with possessive features |
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270 | (2) |
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7.2.3 Summary of constructions |
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272 | (1) |
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7.2.4 Motivations for modal possessive constructions |
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272 | (1) |
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273 | (10) |
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273 | (1) |
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7.3.2 From habituality and stativity to ability |
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273 | (3) |
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7.3.3 Aspect-related lexical sources: verbs of motion and acquisition |
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276 | (2) |
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7.3.4 The prospective: a category between aspect, modality, and evidentiality |
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278 | (2) |
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7.3.5 From modality to aspect |
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280 | (3) |
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283 | (4) |
Appendix I Comparative Table of Modal Terminology |
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287 | (4) |
References |
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291 | (30) |
Subject Index |
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321 | (6) |
Language Index |
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327 | (2) |
Author Index |
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329 | |