Acknowledgements |
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xi | |
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xiii | |
Introduction |
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1 | (10) |
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11 | (1) |
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1.1 The `classical' view of Principles and Parameters and its problems |
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11 | (2) |
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1.1.1 Chomsky (1981) and its antecedents |
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13 | (3) |
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1.1.2 The explanatory value of the P&P approach |
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16 | (2) |
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1.1.3 The scope of P&P theory |
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18 | (5) |
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1.2 Questions for classical parameter theory: the Romance languages |
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23 | (1) |
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1.2.1 Variation in subject clitics |
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24 | (7) |
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1.2.2 Variation in negation |
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31 | (3) |
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1.2.3 Variation in enclisis of object clitics |
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34 | (5) |
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1.2.4 Variation in past-participle agreement |
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39 | (2) |
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1.2.5 Variation in the nature and choice of aspectual auxiliaries |
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41 | (5) |
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1.2.6 A comparison with Japanese |
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46 | (7) |
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1.3 Micro- and macroparameters |
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53 | (5) |
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1.3.1 In favour of microparameters |
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58 | (1) |
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1.3.1.1 Formal features and the Borer-Chomsky Conjecture |
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58 | (3) |
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1.3.1.2 Microparameters and restrictiveness |
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61 | (4) |
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1.3.1.3 Language acquisition |
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65 | (3) |
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1.3.1.4 Underspecification and the form of parameters |
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68 | (3) |
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1.3.1.5 Conclusion on microparametric approaches |
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71 | (1) |
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1.3.2 Macroparameters: Baker (2008a) |
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72 | (3) |
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1.4 Combining micro- and macroparameters |
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75 | (1) |
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1.4.1 A taxonomy of parameters |
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75 | (2) |
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77 | (1) |
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78 | (2) |
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80 | (5) |
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85 | (3) |
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88 | (1) |
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1.5 Parameter hierarchies |
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89 | (1) |
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1.5.1 Parameters and the three factors of language design |
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90 | (2) |
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1.5.2 Two third-factor principles |
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92 | (2) |
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1.5.3 The learning procedure |
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94 | (3) |
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1.5.4 Consequences of the approach: a parameter hierarchy |
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97 | (2) |
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1.5.5 Extending emergentism |
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99 | (2) |
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1.6 Summary and conclusion |
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101 | (2) |
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2 Word order and the Final-Over-Final Condition |
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103 | (1) |
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2.1 Introduction: the head parameter, antisymmetry, and linearization |
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103 | (8) |
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2.2 The Final-Over-Final Condition |
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111 | (2) |
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2.3 Empirical motivation for FOFC |
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113 | (1) |
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2.3.1 Clausal word order in Germanic |
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113 | (4) |
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2.3.2 FOFC at the CP/TP level |
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117 | (5) |
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2.3.3 Mixed projections in the nominal domain: Finnish and Latin |
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122 | (4) |
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126 | (5) |
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2.3.5 Diachronic evidence |
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131 | (6) |
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2.3.6 Conclusion: summary of the empirical motivation for FOFC |
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137 | (1) |
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138 | (3) |
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2.4.1 FOFC in terms of movement: Biberauer, Holmberg, & Roberts (2014) |
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141 | (4) |
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2.4.2 Extended projections and locality |
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145 | (3) |
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2.4.3 FOFC and approaches to linearization |
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148 | (8) |
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2.4.4 Labelling, cyclicity, and FOFC |
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156 | (8) |
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2.5 The theory of word-order variation |
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164 | (3) |
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2.5.1 Formulating the word-order hierarchy |
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167 | (10) |
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2.5.2 FOFC, Universal 20, and the word-order hierarchy |
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177 | (5) |
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2.5.3 The word-order hierarchy and roll-up parameters |
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182 | (5) |
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2.6 Conclusion: interacting factors in cross-linguistic word-order variation |
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187 | (4) |
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191 | (1) |
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191 | (1) |
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3.2 Preliminaries: a brief history and initial typology of null subjects |
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192 | (1) |
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3.2.1 A brief history of the null-subject parameter |
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192 | (7) |
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199 | (8) |
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207 | (9) |
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3.2.4 Radical/discourse pro-drop languages |
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216 | (7) |
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3.2.5 A typology of NSLs (first pass) |
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223 | (5) |
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3.3 The internal structure of `pro' |
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228 | (1) |
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3.3.1 Barbosa (to appear): similarities between partial and radical NSLs |
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228 | (4) |
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232 | (5) |
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3.3.3 The typology of NSLs (second pass) |
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237 | (1) |
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238 | (1) |
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3.4.1 Aspects of the semantics of `pro' |
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239 | (4) |
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3.4.2 `Pro' and the Person feature |
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243 | (4) |
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3.4.3 `Pro-licensing* and the typology of null subjects |
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247 | (7) |
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254 | (1) |
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3.5.1 Arbitrary `pro' in CNSLs and the external argument |
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255 | (6) |
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3.5.2 Interpretations of arbs |
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261 | (4) |
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3.5.3 Four observations about English arb elements |
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265 | (4) |
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3.5.4 Arb across languages |
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269 | (1) |
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3.5.4.1 The Finnish G-pronoun (Holmberg 2010b) |
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269 | (2) |
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3.5.4.2 German impersonal passives |
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271 | (4) |
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3.5.4.3 Turkish impersonal passives |
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275 | (3) |
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3.5.5 Two ways to license arbitrary pronouns |
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278 | (3) |
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3.6 cp-features: hierarchies and interfaces |
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281 | (2) |
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3.6.1 cp-features, cp-hierarchies, and (p-parameters |
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283 | (6) |
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3.6.2 The question of `rich agreement' |
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289 | (4) |
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3.6.3 No-choice parameters and cp-features |
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293 | (2) |
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3.7 Conclusions: the nature of null subjects and the null-subject parameter hierarchy |
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295 | (6) |
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301 | (1) |
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301 | (1) |
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4.2 The internal structure of and relations in DP |
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302 | (1) |
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4.2.1 N-D relations: Longobardi (2008) |
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302 | (1) |
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4.2.1.1 Longobardi (2008) on nominal mapping |
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302 | (4) |
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4.2.1.2 Parameters of nominal mapping |
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306 | (4) |
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4.2.2 Person and the internal structure of DP |
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310 | (4) |
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314 | (1) |
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4.3 Polysynthesis and noun-incorporation |
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315 | (1) |
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4.3.1 Baker (1996): the basic generalization and its consequences |
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315 | (7) |
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4.3.2 Branigan (2012): multiple head-movement |
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322 | (4) |
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4.4 Syntactic analyticity |
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326 | (1) |
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326 | (4) |
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330 | (1) |
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4.4.3 Analyticity in operators |
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330 | (2) |
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4.4.4 Analytic modification |
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332 | (2) |
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334 | (3) |
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4.5 Conclusions: a hierarchy for individual-denoting features |
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337 | (5) |
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342 | (1) |
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342 | (1) |
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5.2 A very brief excursus into Davidsonian event semantics (Davidson 1967) |
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343 | (4) |
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5.3 Tense and the event variable |
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347 | (1) |
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5.3.1 Strong-Tense languages: verb-movement in Romance |
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348 | (11) |
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5.3.2 Weak-Tense languages: English and elsewhere |
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359 | (12) |
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5.3.3 The English auxiliary system |
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371 | (7) |
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5.4 A No-Tense language: Chinese again |
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378 | (5) |
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5.5 Further variation in verb-movement |
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383 | (1) |
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5.5.1 V-initial languages |
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383 | (1) |
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5.5.1.1 Type A V-initial languages |
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384 | (10) |
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5.5.1.2 Type B V-initial languages |
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394 | (4) |
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5.5.2 Germanic verb-second |
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398 | (5) |
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5.6 Diachronic implications of parameter taxonomy: conditional inversion in the history of English |
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403 | (6) |
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5.7 Conclusions: macrotypology of Person and Tense |
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409 | (10) |
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419 | (1) |
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419 | (1) |
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420 | (1) |
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6.2.1 Adjectival and verbal passives; passives and impersonals |
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420 | (10) |
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6.2.2 Voice, passives, and external θ-roles |
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430 | (9) |
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6.2.3 A parameter hierarchy for passives |
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439 | (1) |
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6.2.3.1 The core parameter |
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440 | (1) |
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6.2.3.2 The generalization parameter |
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441 | (3) |
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6.2.3.3 The restriction parameter |
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444 | (2) |
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6.2.3.4 The EPP parameter |
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446 | (3) |
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6.2.3.5 Suppression of Voice's Person features |
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449 | (4) |
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6.2.4 Some putative universals of passives |
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453 | (5) |
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6.2.5 Further questions: passives of verbs with clausal complements |
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458 | (6) |
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464 | (1) |
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464 | (1) |
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464 | (3) |
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6.3.2 The nature of ergative alignment |
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467 | (5) |
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6.3.3 A parameter hierarchy for ergative alignments |
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472 | (9) |
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6.3.4 Some implicational universals concerning ergativity |
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481 | (5) |
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486 | (1) |
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6.4 Other Case-related hierarchies: causatives and ditransitives |
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487 | (1) |
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487 | (12) |
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499 | (7) |
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6.4.3 Conclusion: the nature of alignment hierarchies |
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506 | (10) |
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6.5 Conclusion: Case macroparameters |
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516 | (12) |
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7 Wh-movement and negation |
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528 | (1) |
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528 | (1) |
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529 | (1) |
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7.2.1 Wh-movement parameters |
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529 | (18) |
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547 | (1) |
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7.2.2.1 Cheng's (1991) generalizations |
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548 | (5) |
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7.2.2.2 Abstract Q-particles |
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553 | (10) |
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563 | (1) |
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563 | (1) |
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7.3.1 Negative concord and multiple negation |
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563 | (15) |
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578 | (21) |
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599 | (1) |
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600 | (5) |
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8 Conclusion: towards a minimalist theory of syntactic variation |
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605 | (16) |
References |
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621 | (64) |
Index of languages |
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685 | (9) |
Index of names |
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694 | (9) |
Subject index |
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703 | |