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v | |
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vii | |
| Foreword |
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ix | |
| Preface |
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xi | |
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1 | (4) |
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5 | (24) |
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The Constitutional Framework |
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5 | (2) |
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7 | (2) |
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9 | (5) |
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Redisricting between Censuses |
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14 | (2) |
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16 | (1) |
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The Republican Advantage in House Districts |
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17 | (2) |
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States as Electoral Units |
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19 | (2) |
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21 | (1) |
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22 | (3) |
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Social and Political Contexts |
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25 | (3) |
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28 | (1) |
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Chapter 3 Congressional Candidates |
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29 | (35) |
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29 | (3) |
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Measuring the Value of Incumbency |
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32 | (3) |
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35 | (4) |
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Sources of the Incumbency Advantage |
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39 | (1) |
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The Institutional Characteristics of Congress |
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39 | (3) |
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Changes in Voting Behavior |
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42 | (1) |
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42 | (3) |
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The Variability of the Incumbency Advantage |
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45 | (2) |
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Discouraging the Opposition |
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47 | (4) |
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Money in Congressional Elections |
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51 | (1) |
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The Connection between Money and Success |
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52 | (5) |
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Why Campaign Money Is More Important to Challengers than to Incumbents |
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57 | (2) |
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The Career in the District |
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59 | (2) |
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61 | (3) |
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Chapter 4 Congressional Campaigns |
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64 | (56) |
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66 | (2) |
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Contributions to Candidates |
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68 | (1) |
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69 | (9) |
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78 | (7) |
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Contributions from Other Members of Congress |
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85 | (4) |
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Self-Financing by Candidates |
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89 | (1) |
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90 | (1) |
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Independent, "Voter Education," and "Issue Advocacy" Campaigns |
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91 | (4) |
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95 | (2) |
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97 | (2) |
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99 | (2) |
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101 | (2) |
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103 | (1) |
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104 | (2) |
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106 | (2) |
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108 | (5) |
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Candidates for Open Seats |
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113 | (1) |
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114 | (2) |
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116 | (2) |
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118 | (2) |
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Chapter 5 Congressional Voters |
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120 | (41) |
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Turnout in Congressional Elections |
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120 | (1) |
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121 | (3) |
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Partisanship in Congressional Elections |
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124 | (1) |
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Alternative Interpretations of Party Identification |
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125 | (2) |
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127 | (3) |
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130 | (2) |
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Recall and Recognition of Candidates |
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132 | (5) |
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137 | (6) |
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The Effects of Campaign Spending |
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143 | (1) |
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Models of Voting Behavior |
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144 | (3) |
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147 | (7) |
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154 | (3) |
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Issues in Congressional Elections |
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157 | (4) |
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Chapter 6 National Politics and Congressional Elections |
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161 | (85) |
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Political Interpretations of Congressional Elections |
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163 | (3) |
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Models of Aggregate Congressional Election Results |
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166 | (4) |
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170 | (7) |
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National Conditions and Strategic Politics |
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177 | (7) |
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184 | (1) |
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House Elections, 1992 2010 |
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185 | (1) |
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185 | (5) |
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190 | (2) |
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192 | (1) |
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193 | (4) |
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197 | (2) |
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199 | (1) |
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200 | (2) |
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The Scandal and the Campaigns |
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202 | (4) |
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206 | (2) |
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208 | (3) |
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211 | (1) |
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Exposure and Redisricting |
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211 | (1) |
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212 | (2) |
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214 | (4) |
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Strategic Politicians in 2006 |
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218 | (1) |
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219 | (1) |
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A Fourth Referendum on Bush |
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220 | (1) |
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Strategic Politicians in 2008 |
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221 | (1) |
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222 | (1) |
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223 | (3) |
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Obama's Intense Opposition |
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226 | (1) |
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Strategic Politicians in 2010 |
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227 | (2) |
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229 | (1) |
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230 | (2) |
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Conclusion: House Election Patterns, 1980-2010 |
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232 | (1) |
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Senate Elections, 1980-2010 |
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233 | (2) |
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235 | (4) |
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239 | (6) |
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245 | (1) |
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Chapter 7 Elections, Representation, and the Politics of Congress |
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246 | (41) |
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247 | (1) |
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247 | (2) |
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249 | (1) |
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Representation by Referendum |
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250 | (1) |
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Descriptive Representation |
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251 | (1) |
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252 | (1) |
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252 | (2) |
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254 | (2) |
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Responsiveness without Responsibility |
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256 | (1) |
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The Congressional Parties: Decline and Revival |
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257 | (3) |
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The Revival of Party Cohesion, 1980-2010 |
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260 | (3) |
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Ideological Polarization in Congress and the Electorate |
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263 | (2) |
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Polarization in Presidential Support |
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265 | (2) |
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Party Polarization: The Electoral Connection |
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267 | (2) |
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Diverging Electoral Constituencies |
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269 | (3) |
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272 | (2) |
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Party Polarization and the Politics of Impeachment |
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274 | (3) |
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Representing Polarized Opinions on the Iraq War after 2006 |
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277 | (1) |
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278 | (1) |
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279 | (2) |
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The Public's Evaluations of Congress |
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281 | (2) |
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2012 and Beyond: A Matter of Geography and Demography |
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283 | (4) |
| Bibliography |
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287 | (16) |
| Index |
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303 | |
