Atjaunināt sīkdatņu piekrišanu

E-grāmata: Regions, Power, and Conflict: Constrained Capabilities, Hierarchy, and Rivalry

Citas grāmatas par šo tēmu:
  • Formāts - PDF+DRM
  • Cena: 154,06 €*
  • * ši ir gala cena, t.i., netiek piemērotas nekādas papildus atlaides
  • Ielikt grozā
  • Pievienot vēlmju sarakstam
  • Šī e-grāmata paredzēta tikai personīgai lietošanai. E-grāmatas nav iespējams atgriezt un nauda par iegādātajām e-grāmatām netiek atmaksāta.
Citas grāmatas par šo tēmu:

DRM restrictions

  • Kopēšana (kopēt/ievietot):

    nav atļauts

  • Drukāšana:

    nav atļauts

  • Lietošana:

    Digitālo tiesību pārvaldība (Digital Rights Management (DRM))
    Izdevējs ir piegādājis šo grāmatu šifrētā veidā, kas nozīmē, ka jums ir jāinstalē bezmaksas programmatūra, lai to atbloķētu un lasītu. Lai lasītu šo e-grāmatu, jums ir jāizveido Adobe ID. Vairāk informācijas šeit. E-grāmatu var lasīt un lejupielādēt līdz 6 ierīcēm (vienam lietotājam ar vienu un to pašu Adobe ID).

    Nepieciešamā programmatūra
    Lai lasītu šo e-grāmatu mobilajā ierīcē (tālrunī vai planšetdatorā), jums būs jāinstalē šī bezmaksas lietotne: PocketBook Reader (iOS / Android)

    Lai lejupielādētu un lasītu šo e-grāmatu datorā vai Mac datorā, jums ir nepieciešamid Adobe Digital Editions (šī ir bezmaksas lietotne, kas īpaši izstrādāta e-grāmatām. Tā nav tas pats, kas Adobe Reader, kas, iespējams, jau ir jūsu datorā.)

    Jūs nevarat lasīt šo e-grāmatu, izmantojot Amazon Kindle.

The three main levels of analysis in international relations have been the systemic, the national, and the individual.  A fourth level that falls between the systemic and the national is the region.  It is woefully underdeveloped in comparison to the attention afforded the other three.  Yet regions tend to be distinctive theaters for international politics.  Otherwise, we would not recognize that Middle Eastern interstate politics somehow does not resemble Latin American interstate politics or interstate politics in Southern Africa (although once the Middle East and Southern Africa may have seemed more similar in their mutual fixation with opposition to domestic policies in Israel and  South Africa, respectively). 

This book, divided into three parts, first makes a case for studying regional politics even though it must also be appreciated that regional boundaries are also hazy and not always easy to pin down empirically.  The second part examines power distributions within regions as an important entry point to studying regional similarities and differences.  Two emphases are stressed.  One is that regional power assessments need to be conditioned by controlling for weak states which are more common in some regions than they are in others.  The other emphasis is on regional power hierarchies.  Some regions have strong regional hierarchies while others do not. Regions with strong hierarchies operate much differently from those without them in the sense that the former are more pacific than the latter.  The third part of the book focuses on regional differences in terms of conflict behavior, order preferences, rivalries, and rivalry termination.


1 The Significance of Regional Analyses
1(10)
References 9(2)
2 The Case for Comparative Regional Analysis in International Politics
11(32)
2.1 A Brief Look at the Literature
12(4)
2.1.1 Where to From Here?
15(1)
2.2 Delineating Regions
16(6)
2.3 A Theoretical Framework
22(4)
2.4 A Theoretical Bet
26(5)
2.4.1 A Short Propositional Inventory
28(1)
2.4.2 How Competitive is the Power Environment?
29(1)
2.4.3 How Extensive are the Fault Lines to be Managed?
30(1)
2.4.4 When are Regional Powers Capable and Willing to Create Regional Order?
31(1)
2.5 Conclusion
31(12)
Appendix 1 List of Regional Categories Used in Quantitative Studies of Conflict and Cooperation
33(1)
Appendix 2 States, Regions, and Border States, 2001-2010
34(3)
Appendix 3 Changes in European Regions, Shown by Decades, 1950-1980
37(1)
References
37(6)
3 Borders, Rivalry, Democracy, and Conflict in the European Region, 1816-1994
43(22)
3.1 The Gibler Argument
44(4)
3.2 Threat, Democracy, and Conflict
48(5)
3.3 Methodology
53(3)
3.4 Results
56(6)
3.5 Conclusion
62(3)
References
62(3)
4 In Search of Super Asia
65(22)
4.1 Introduction
65(1)
4.2 Whither Super Asia?
66(2)
4.3 British India, Qing China, and Strategic Asia
68(1)
4.4 Rise of Japan and World War II
69(1)
4.5 Evaluating Region-ness in the Post-World War II Era
70(5)
4.6 The Early Cold War
75(1)
4.7 Regional Fragmentation and the Cold War
76(1)
4.8 Re-emergence of Super Asia Following the Cold War
77(4)
4.9 Conclusions: Looking Forward
81(6)
References
82(5)
5 Is There a Central Asia and Does It Matter?
87(32)
5.1 Introduction
87(2)
5.2 Background on Regional Subsystems
89(2)
5.3 Structural Approaches
91(3)
5.4 Research Design and State Visits Data
94(4)
5.4.1 Data Restrictions
96(2)
5.5 Empirical Findings and Analysis
98(14)
5.5.1 Highly Interactive Subsystem (Model I)
99(8)
5.5.2 Fragmented Regional Subsystem (Model II)
107(2)
5.5.3 Russia-centered Subsystem (Model III)
109(3)
5.6 Concluding Thoughts
112(7)
References
114(5)
6 The Strength of Nations: Constrained Indicators and the Salience of Asymmetry in Conflict Relationships
119(30)
6.1 Introduction
119(2)
6.2 State Capabilities and State Strength
121(5)
6.3 Comparing Indicators
126(4)
6.4 In Search of a Proxy for Government Effectiveness and Control of Corruption
130(3)
6.5 Do These Modifications Matter? Does Quality of Governance Matter?
133(8)
6.6 Conclusion
141(8)
Appendix A Comparison of Unmodified and Two Modified Indicators of State Strength, Saudi-Iranian Dyad
144(1)
Appendix B Comparison of Unconstrained and Constrained Military Expenditure Variables for Predicting MID initiation, Logit Regressions, Using SIPRI as Military Expenditure Source
145(1)
References
146(3)
7 Differences in Strength Across Regions
149(26)
7.1 Introduction
149(3)
7.2 Measuring Regional Strength
152(9)
7.2.1 Economic Strength
153(5)
7.2.2 Military Strength
158(3)
7.3 Regional Strength Implications
161(10)
7.3.1 Regional Order Construction
161(4)
7.3.2 Regional Strength And Regional Penetration
165(1)
7.3.3 Rising Powers and Regional Strength
165(6)
7.4 Conclusion
171(4)
References
173(2)
8 Conflict, Regions, and Regional Hierarchies
175(28)
8.1 Introduction
175(2)
8.2 Theoretical Framework
177(7)
8.3 Research Design Considerations
184(4)
8.3.1 Delineating Regions and State Regional Membership
184(2)
8.3.2 Delineating Regional and Major Powers, and Regions with and without Hierarchy
186(1)
8.3.3 Dependent Variables: MID Frequency and State MID Involvement
187(1)
8.3.4 Independent and Control Variables
187(1)
8.4 Empirical Analysis
188(3)
8.5 Discussion
191(12)
Appendix 1 List of ROW Regions, by Decade and Type of Hierarchy
194(2)
Appendix 2 Patterns of Conflict Across Regions
196(2)
Appendix 3 List of Variables, Sources, and Manipulations
198(1)
Appendix 4 Summary Statistics for Dependent and Independent Variables
199(1)
References
199(4)
9 Sources of Regional Conflict and Peace in the Empirical International Relations Literature: States, Dyads, and Beyond
203(24)
9.1 Introduction
203(1)
9.2 Conflict and Peace Are Spatially Clustered
204(3)
9.3 Explanations by Aggregating Local States and Dyads
207(4)
9.4 Conditions Outside Dyads
211(10)
9.4.1 Diffusion of Conflict
211(2)
9.4.2 Dyad-to-Dyad Interdependence
213(2)
9.4.3 Unsettled Borders
215(1)
9.4.4 Rivalry Dynamics
216(1)
9.4.5 Mode of Economy and Trade
217(2)
9.4.6 Local Leadership
219(2)
9.5 Conclusion
221(6)
References
223(4)
10 Bad Neighborhoods in World Politics: Ethnic Political Exclusion, Weak States, and Interstate Territorial Disputes
227(24)
10.1 Societal Heterogeneity/Weak State Approaches
228(3)
10.2 Previous Findings
231(4)
10.3 Research Design
235(4)
10.3.1 Independent Variable Measures
235(2)
10.3.2 Dependent Variable: A Binary Measure of Boundary Disputes
237(1)
10.3.3 Control Variable Measures
237(1)
10.3.4 The Case for a Monadic (Country-Year) Level of Analysis
238(1)
10.4 Findings
239(6)
10.5 Conclusion
245(6)
Appendix 1
246(1)
Appendix 2
247(1)
References
248(3)
11 Regions and World Order Preferences
251(25)
11.1 Introduction
251(2)
11.2 Assessing Global Status Quo Dissatisfaction
253(1)
11.3 Patterns of Support and Opposition to the Liberal World Order
254(1)
11.4 Regional Variation in Support for the LWO
255(11)
11.4.1 Regions Supporting the LWO
255(5)
11.4.2 Regions Opposing the LWO
260(3)
11.4.3 Regions that Changed Their Status Quo Evaluations
263(3)
11.5 Discussion
266(8)
11.6 Conclusion
274(2)
Appendix 1 Regions in World Politics 276(2)
Appendix 2 Patterns of Opposition to the LWO by Consistent Opponents of the Global Order 278(3)
References 281(2)
Index 283
William R. Thompson is Distinguished Professor and Rogers Chair of Political Science Emeritus at Indiana University and Editor-in-chief of the Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics.  He is a former President of the International Studies Association and twice Editor-in-Chief of International Studies Quarterly.







Thomas J. Volgy is professor of political science at the University of Arizona and former director of the International Studies Association. He has published over 80 articles and books focused on interstate conflict, status issues in international politics, and comparative regional analysis.











Paul Bezerra is an assistant professor of Military & Strategic Studies at the U.S. Air Force Academy, and previously worked as the National Security Affairs Postdoctoral Fellow at the U.S. Naval War College (2018). His research focuses on economic statecraft and corresponding patterns of political resistance and cooperation.





 





Jacob Cramer is a Senior Researcher with RTI International, and previously worked as the Analysis Administrator for the Tucson Police Department. His research focuses on domestic and international extremism and policing. He earned his Ph.D., in political science from the School of Government and Public Policy at the University of Arizona in 2015.





 





Kelly Gordell is a PhD candidate in political science at the University of Arizona, with emphasis in international relations. She holds an MA and BA in political science, also from UA. Her work focuses on domestic/international consequences of destabilizing events, as well as involvement by international communities in post-conflict conditions.





 





Manjeet S. Pardesi is Senior Lecturer in the Political Science and International Relations Programme and Asia Research Fellow at the Centre for Strategic Studies at Victoria University of Wellington.  





 





Karen Rasler is Professor of Political Science Emerita at Indiana University. She was a member of three editing teams for International Studies Quarterly encompassing some  parts of three decades. Her primary research interest focuses on processes of domestic political contention.





 





Patrick Rhamey Jr. is associate professor in the Department of International Studies and Political Science at the Virginia Military Institute and serves on the board of the TransResearch Consortium.  His publications include work on the behaviors of major and regional powers, comparative regionalism, and the international politics of sport.





 





Kentaro Sakuwa is an associate professor of international politics at the School of International Politics, Economics, and Communication (SIPEC), Aoyama Gakuin University in Tokyo, Japan.   His research focuses on the causes of conflict and peace, especially from the regional, spatial, and network perspectives.





 





Rachel Van Nostrand is a third-year PhD Student at the University of Arizona, studying International Relations and Research Methods. Her primary research interests include the spatial determinants of violence and post-conflict environments. 







Leila Zakhirova is Associate Professor of Political Science at Concordia College, Moorhead, MN. She is also a co-editor of Asian Security. She is currently researching the impact of climate change on human security.