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List of Figures and Tables |
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viii | |
Foreword |
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ix | |
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Foreword |
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xi | |
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Acknowledgements |
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xiii | |
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xv | |
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1 | (21) |
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1.1 The Supply Chain Model and National Democratic Regulation |
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4 | (3) |
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1.2 Transnational Democracy and Private Labour Governance |
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7 | (3) |
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1.3 Two Approaches to Associational Democracy |
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10 | (4) |
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1.4 In Search of a New Paradigm |
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14 | (1) |
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1.5 A Note on the Fieldwork |
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15 | (2) |
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1.6 Summary of the Argument: Why Industrial Democracy Is Needed in an Era of Globalisation |
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17 | (5) |
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2 The Democratic Deficit of Global Supply Chains |
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22 | (24) |
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2.1 Democracy and the Fordist Model |
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23 | (3) |
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2.2 Post-Fordism, Supply Chains and Democracy |
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26 | (4) |
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2.3 The Fragmentation of Employment Relationships |
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30 | (4) |
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2.4 From Production to Consumption-Based Labour Governance? |
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34 | (11) |
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45 | (1) |
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3 Democratic Representation: Structures and Claims |
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46 | (24) |
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3.1 Representation in Political Theory |
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48 | (2) |
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3.2 Logics of Representation in Global Labour Governance |
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50 | (3) |
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3.3 Production-based Labour Governance: Representation as Structure |
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53 | (6) |
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3.4 Consumption-based Labour Governance: Representation as Claim |
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59 | (7) |
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3.5 A Framework for Democratic Representation in Global Labour Governance |
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66 | (3) |
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69 | (1) |
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4 After Rana Plaza: Mending a Toxic Supply Chain |
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70 | (19) |
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4.1 The Bangladesh Ready-Made Garment Supply Chain |
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70 | (4) |
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4.2 The Representation Gap |
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74 | (2) |
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4.3 The Politics of Union Organisation |
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76 | (2) |
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4.4 The Failure of Corporate Codes of Conduct and Social Auditing |
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78 | (2) |
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4.5 Post-Rana Plaza as Ground for Institutional Innovation |
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80 | (7) |
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87 | (2) |
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5 Representative Alliances in the Creation of the Bangladesh Accord |
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89 | (30) |
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5.1 Representative Alliances in the Creation of the Accord |
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90 | (4) |
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5.2 Negotiating the Accord |
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94 | (2) |
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5.3 Mobilising Companies to Sign Up to the Accord |
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96 | (3) |
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5.4 Representation of Labour in the Accord |
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99 | (4) |
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5.5 The Logics of Representation: Structure versus Claim |
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103 | (13) |
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116 | (3) |
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6 Creating Representation through Industrial Democracy versus CSR: The Accord and Alliance as a Natural Experiment |
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119 | (27) |
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6.1 The Co-emergence of the Accord and the Alliance |
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121 | (2) |
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123 | (6) |
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6.3 Implementation: Capacity-Building versus Problem-Solving |
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129 | (10) |
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139 | (4) |
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143 | (3) |
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7 When Transnational Governance Meets National Actors: The Politics of Exclusion in the Bangladesh Accord |
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146 | (27) |
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7.1 Associational Governance, Exclusion and the Accord |
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146 | (4) |
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7.2 Employers and the Regulation of Worker Safety in the Bangladesh RMG Sector following Rana Plaza |
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150 | (2) |
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7.3 BGMEA: Political Power and Self-Regulation |
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152 | (7) |
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7.4 The Bangladeshi State: Lack of Regulatory Capacity |
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159 | (3) |
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7.5 Employer and State Resistance against Transnational Labour Governance |
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162 | (8) |
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170 | (3) |
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8 Building Representative Structures at the Workplace Level |
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173 | (20) |
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8.1 What Is Workplace Social Dialogue? |
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175 | (1) |
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8.2 The Shortcomings of the Social Auditing Model |
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176 | (2) |
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8.3 Developing Structures for Workplace Representation |
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178 | (4) |
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8.4 Confronting the Structured Antagonism of the Sourcing Relationship |
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182 | (7) |
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189 | (4) |
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9 Conclusion: The Emergence of Transnational Industrial Democracy? |
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193 | (17) |
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9.1 Market-Driven Democracy: Towards a New Logic of Transnational Governance |
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194 | (9) |
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9.2 Structural Limitations |
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203 | (4) |
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9.3 Towards Transnational Industrial Democracy? |
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207 | (3) |
Appendix 1 The Practical and Political Issues of Studying Transnational Labour Representation |
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210 | (14) |
Appendix 2 When CSR Meets Industrial Relations: Reflections on Doing Interdisciplinary Scholarship |
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224 | (6) |
References |
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230 | (21) |
Index |
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251 | |