Atjaunināt sīkdatņu piekrišanu

E-grāmata: Wh-In Situ Licensing in Questions and Sluicing

Citas grāmatas par šo tēmu:
  • Formāts - PDF+DRM
  • Cena: 98,74 €*
  • * ši ir gala cena, t.i., netiek piemērotas nekādas papildus atlaides
  • Ielikt grozā
  • Pievienot vēlmju sarakstam
  • Šī e-grāmata paredzēta tikai personīgai lietošanai. E-grāmatas nav iespējams atgriezt un nauda par iegādātajām e-grāmatām netiek atmaksāta.
Citas grāmatas par šo tēmu:

DRM restrictions

  • Kopēšana (kopēt/ievietot):

    nav atļauts

  • Drukāšana:

    nav atļauts

  • Lietošana:

    Digitālo tiesību pārvaldība (Digital Rights Management (DRM))
    Izdevējs ir piegādājis šo grāmatu šifrētā veidā, kas nozīmē, ka jums ir jāinstalē bezmaksas programmatūra, lai to atbloķētu un lasītu. Lai lasītu šo e-grāmatu, jums ir jāizveido Adobe ID. Vairāk informācijas šeit. E-grāmatu var lasīt un lejupielādēt līdz 6 ierīcēm (vienam lietotājam ar vienu un to pašu Adobe ID).

    Nepieciešamā programmatūra
    Lai lasītu šo e-grāmatu mobilajā ierīcē (tālrunī vai planšetdatorā), jums būs jāinstalē šī bezmaksas lietotne: PocketBook Reader (iOS / Android)

    Lai lejupielādētu un lasītu šo e-grāmatu datorā vai Mac datorā, jums ir nepieciešamid Adobe Digital Editions (šī ir bezmaksas lietotne, kas īpaši izstrādāta e-grāmatām. Tā nav tas pats, kas Adobe Reader, kas, iespējams, jau ir jūsu datorā.)

    Jūs nevarat lasīt šo e-grāmatu, izmantojot Amazon Kindle.

"This book addresses the question of how in-situ wh-phrases are licensed from a minimalist perspective in which the basic assumptions about narrow syntax need to be reduced to the bare minimum. I propose that in-situ wh-phrases are licensed by way of either minimal Search or covert internal Merge: while in-situ wh-adjuncts are uniformly licensed by covert internal Merge, in-situ wh-arguments have a choice between the two options, depending on whether the licensing C head is overtly manifested. I also discuss sluicing, an ellipsis construction with a remnant wh-phrase, and address the question of how the remnant wh-phrase is licensed. I support the in-situ approach to sluicing, advocated in my previous book The In-Situ Approach to Sluicing (John Benjamins), according to which the remnant wh-phrase stays in situ. I argue against the more standard analysis, endorsing the main claim of this previous book that island repair by ellipsis is a myth"--

This book addresses the question of how in-situ wh-phrases are licensed from a minimalist perspective in which the basic assumptions about narrow syntax need to be reduced to the bare minimum. I propose that in-situ wh-phrases are licensed by way of either minimal Search or covert internal Merge: while in-situ wh-adjuncts are uniformly licensed by covert internal Merge, in-situ wh-arguments have a choice between the two options, depending on whether the licensing C head is overtly manifested. I also discuss sluicing, an ellipsis construction with a remnant wh-phrase, and address the question of how the remnant wh-phrase is licensed. I support the in-situ approach to sluicing, advocated in my previous book The In-Situ Approach to Sluicing (John Benjamins), according to which the remnant wh-phrase stays in situ. I argue against the more standard analysis, endorsing the main claim of this previous book that island repair by ellipsis is a myth.
Preface vii
Chapter 1 Introduction
1(12)
1 Search and Float approach: Abe (2016c)
6(3)
2 Roadmap of the book
9(4)
Chapter 2 Wh-in situ licensing: Search or internal Merge
13(30)
1 Licensing of in-situ wh-arguments by way of minimal Search
14(5)
1.1 Licensing of in-situ wh-adjuncts
17(2)
2 Licensing of in-situ wh-phrases by way of covert internal Merge
19(12)
2.1 String-vacuous movement and locality: Abe and Hornstein (2012)
20(4)
2.2 Chinese and Longobardi's (1987) generalization
24(7)
3 Mixed cases of wh-in situ licensing
31(10)
3.1 Sinhala
32(5)
3.2 Vietnamese
37(4)
4 Summary of
Chapter 2
41(2)
Chapter 3 An escape from wh-islands in Japanese
43(30)
1 An escape from wh-islands
45(5)
2 The argument-adjunct asymmetry in licensing in-situ wh-phrases
50(2)
3 Covert internal Merge of in-situ wh-arguments
52(6)
4 Sluicing in the configuration of an escape from wh-islands
58(9)
5 Summary of
Chapter 3
67 Appendix: Multiple wh-questions
67(6)
Chapter 4 Against radical reconstruction in Japanese scrambling
73(38)
1 Long-distance scrambling as a case of focus movement
75(6)
2 Licensing of in-situ wh-phrases
81(3)
3 Wh-island violations
84(7)
4 Criterial freezing
91(5)
5 Quantifier scope
96(9)
6 Summary of
Chapter 4
105(1)
Appendix: More on Takahashi's (1993) wh-scrambling cases
105(6)
Chapter 5 The locality effects of Japanese sluicing in wh- island contexts
111(18)
1 Japanese sluicing
112(5)
2 Movement properties of Japanese sluicing in wh-island contexts
117(10)
2.1 Island sensitivity of scrambling
118(3)
2.2 Impossibility of scrambling of possessor NPs
121(3)
2.3 Impossibility of long-distance scrambling of adjuncts
124(3)
3 Summary of
Chapter 5
127(2)
Chapter 6 The locality effects of the sprouting type of sluicing
129(28)
1 Scopal parallelism and the locality effects of the sprouting type
131(13)
1.1 The sprouting type of sluicing in Japanese
135(9)
2 The sprouting type with relative clause remnants
144(3)
3 The island (in)sensitivity of sluicing in Japanese
147(4)
4 The island (in)sensitivity of sluicing in English
151(5)
5 Summary of
Chapter 6
156(1)
Chapter 7 Support for non-constituent deletion in sluicing
157(32)
1 Preliminary assumptions about in-situ wh-phrase licensing
159(2)
2 A variety of sluicing in Japanese that is licensed by covert internal Merge
161(10)
3 Another variety of sluicing that is licensed by covert internal Merge
171(5)
4 A theoretical implication for the analysis of sluicing
176(6)
5 Summary of
Chapter 7
182(1)
Appendix: The island sensitivity of partially truncated sluicing
182(7)
Chapter 8 Conclusions
189(6)
References 195(8)
Index 203