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E-grāmata: Clauses Without 'That': The Case for Bare Sentential Complementation in English

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This Study investigates the syntax of complement and relative clauses in English which lack overt complementizers (clauses without that ). The central analytical claim is that these clauses differ in phrase structure from their synonymous counterparts with overt complementizers. In particular, novel evidence from adjunction facts is used to demonstrate that clauses without that are more appropriately analyzed as bare sentences of the category IP rather than CP with a phonologically null head, a proposal which has since been adopted in many economy-driven approaches to phrase structure. In addition to strong empirical support, the IP-analysis is shown to provide explanations for a variety of related syntactic phenomena, superior to those available under the previous CP-analysis. These include the restricted syntactic distribution of that -less complements, in addition to the adjacency restrictions on that -less relative clauses. The analytical task posed by the that -trace effect is also very much reduced under the IP-analysis. The work also examines the syntax of 'subject contact clauses' (e.g. There's a man wants to see you .), common in many non-standard varieties, including Hiberno-English and establishes that they have all the distinctive properties of other that -less relative clauses. This book will be of interest to a broad variety of readers: scholars working in all areas of generative syntax, specialists in English and Germanic syntax, in addition to researchers in non-standard English and Hiberno-English.
Preface xi
Acknowledgements xiii
Chapter 1 The Category of That-less clauses
3(8)
1 Clause Structure
3(2)
2 A Question
5(3)
2.1 An Answer: the CP-Hypothesis
5(2)
2.2 An Answer: the IP-Hypothesis
7(1)
3 Outline of the Work
8(3)
Notes
10(1)
Chapter 2 Argument Clauses
11(46)
1 Introduction
11(1)
2 Arguments for The IP-Hypothesis
12(6)
2.1 Embedded Topicalization
12(3)
2.2 Adverbial Adjunction
15(2)
2.3 Adjunction Evidence: Summary
17(1)
3 The Ecp Account of the Distribution of That-Less Clauses
18(15)
3.1 The Government Requirement
19(1)
3.2 Explaining the Government Requirement
20(1)
3.2.1 C0 to V0 Incorporation
20(4)
3.2.2 Head Government at Phonological Form
24(3)
3.2.3 Conclusion
27(1)
3.3 Empirical Problems
27(1)
3.3.1 Embedded Sentential Subjects
27(4)
3.3.2 Ungoverned Null Complementizers
31(2)
3.4 Summary
33(1)
4 Explaining the Distribution of IP
33(7)
4.1 Previous Accounts: Webelhuth 1992
34(4)
4.2 A Proposal
38(2)
5
Chapter Summary
40(1)
6 Appendix: Lexical Restrictions
41(16)
6.1 Paradox: Selected Adjunct Clauses
42(2)
6.2 A Resolution
44(4)
6.3 Noun Complement Clauses
48(2)
Notes
50(7)
Chapter 3 Relative Clauses
57
1 Introduction
57(5)
1.1 Syntactic Properties of Contact Clauses
59(2)
1.2 Restrictive Relative Clauses: Assumptions
61(1)
2 The Structure of Contact Clauses
62(9)
2.1 Contact Clauses are IP
62(2)
2.2 The A'-Chain in Contact Clauses
64(1)
2.2.7 The Null Operator Approach
65(1)
2.2.2 Proposal: A'-Chains without Movement
66(1)
2.3 The Adjacency Restriction
67(3)
2.4 Summary
70(1)
3 Subject Contact Clauses
71(18)
3.1 Distribution: The Majority Dialect
72(1)
3.2 Subject Contact Clauses as non-Relative Clauses
73(2)
3.2.1 Independent Evidence for the Pseudo-Relative
75(2)
3.2.2 Subject Contact Clauses as Pseudo-Relatives
77(4)
3.3 Subject Contact Clauses are Relative Clauses
81(6)
3.4 Distribution: Liberal Dialects
87(2)
3.5 Summary
89(1)
4 Explaining the Distribution of Subject Contact Clauses
89
4.1 Previous Accounts
90(1)
4.1.1 Pragmatic Accounts
90(1)
4.1.2 Non-Referentiality
91(1)
4.2 The Distribution of Post-Nominal Modifiers
92(3)
5
Chapter Summary
95(1)
Notes
95
Chapter 4 Extraction Theory
3(122)
1 Introduction
103(1)
2 The That-Trace Effect
104(2)
3 Previous Accounts
106(9)
3.1 Locality
107(1)
3.1.1 Locality as Binding
107(1)
3.1.2 Locality as Antecedent Government
108(2)
3.2 The Head-Government Account
110(2)
3.2.1 Agreement in Comp
112(1)
3.2.2 Advantages of the Account
113(1)
3.2.3 Some difficulties
114(1)
4 Implications for Head-Government
115(6)
4.1 Null Complementizers are Inert for Government
117(1)
4.2 Vacuous Movement
118(3)
5
Chapter Summary
121(4)
Notes
122(3)
Chapter 5 Concluding Remarks
125(6)
1 Introduction
125(1)
2 Distribution of Non-Root IP
126(1)
3 Extension to Bare Infinitives
127(4)
Notes
130(1)
Bibliography 131(8)
Index 139
Cathal Doherty